[3055] Peter J.Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Baltimore and London:Johns Hopkins University Press,1988,p.13.
[3056] Mayr,The Growth of Biological Thought,Op.cit.,p.349.See also Moynahan,Op.cit.,p.651.
[3057] Pietro Corsi,The Age of Lamarck:Evolutionary Theories in France 1790—1830,Berkeley and London:University of California Press,1988,pp.121ff.杰出的生物学史家恩斯特·迈尔说，拉马克比达尔文更勇敢地发表了自己的进化论，后者在五十年后才发表自己的学说。Mayr,Op.cit.,p.352.
[3058] 有关那些赞成和反对拉马克观点的人，see Corsi,Op.cit.,pp.157ff。存在巨链思想的兴起，在导论部分已经讨论过，也成为19世纪中期思想气候的一部分。一开始给予它可信度的是一种古老的思想，但它并不是一种真正的科学思想，因此在达尔文的创新出现之后，它就烟消云散了。关于19世纪的存在巨链思想，see Bowler,Evolution:The History of an Idea,Op.cit.,pp.59ff;有关表格，见p.61。
[3059] 这些其他的因素包括工业资本主义：人们应当在商业活动中自由竞争，因为那样社会利益和个人利益才能重合。
[3060] Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Op.cit.,p.36.
[3061] Ibid.,p.41.
[3062] Barry Gale,‘Darwin and the concept of the struggle for existence:a study in the extra-scientific origins of scientific ideas’,Isis,vol.63,1972,pp.321—344.
[3063] Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Op.cit.,p.57.
[3064] Secord,Op.cit.,p.431.
[3065] Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Op.cit.,p.42.Martin Fichnan,‘Ideological factors in the dissemination of Darwinism’,in Everett Mendelsohn(editor),Transformation and Tradition in the Sciences,Cambridge,Massachusetts:Harvard University Press,1984,pp.471—485.
[3066] Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Op.cit.,p.43.
[3067] Mayr,Op.cit.,p.950.Ross A.Slotten,The Heretic in Darwin’s Court:The Life of Alfred Russel Wallace,New York:Columbia University Press,2004.
[3068] Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Op.cit.,p.152.
[3069] Mayr,Op.cit.,p.501.
[3070] Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Op.cit.,p.162.
[3071] Ibid.,p.187.
[3072] Ibid.,p.67.
[3073] Secord,Op.cit.,p.526.
[3074] Mayr,Op.cit.,p.510.
[3075] 尽管T.H.赫胥黎被称作“达尔文的斗牛犬”，并且为促进整个进化论事业做出了很大贡献，可他实际上从未好好运用过自然选择。
[3076] Bowler,Evolution:The History of an Idea,Op.cit.,p.24.
[3077] 关于进化论综论的总结，see Peter Watson,A Terrible Beauty:The People and Ideas That Shaped the Modern Mind,London:Weidenfeld&Nicolson,2000/The Modern Mind:An Intellectual History of the Twentieth Century,New York:HarperCollins,2001,p.371。See also Ernst Mayr and William B.Provine(editors),The Evolutionary Synthesis,Cambridge,Massachusetts:Harvard University Press,1990/1998.
[3078] Secord,Op.cit.,pp.224 and 230.
[3079] Mayr,Op.cit.,p.654.
[3080] Bowler,Evolution:The History of an Idea,Op.cit.,p.271.
[3081] Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Op.cit.,p.132.
[3082] Ibid.,p.135.
[3083] Ibid.
[3084] Lewis Morgan,Ancient Society,London:Macmillan,1877.
[3085] 然而，整个辩论充满了种族主义色彩。例如，出现了一种叫“颅骨测量法”的新科学，比较不同种族的脑容量。这里的领头人物是美国的S.G.莫尔顿和法国的保罗·布洛卡，二人都认为自己证明了“低等”种族脑容量较小，因此他们的智力较低，处在文化进化阶梯的较原始位置。
[3086] Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Op.cit.,p.144.
[3087] Ibid.,p.145.
[3088] Ibid.
[3089] 关于杜布瓦到远东旅行的背景，see Brooke,Op.cit.,p.147。
[3090] Bowler,The Non-Darwinian Revolution,Op.cit.,p.174.
[3091] Ibid.,p.175.
[3092] D.Gerould,The Guillotine:Its Legend and Lore,New York:Blast Books,1992,p.25.
[3093] Ibid.,p.33.
[3094] 关于法国大革命的其他回应，see Barzun,From Dawn to Decadence,Op.cit.,pp.519ff。
[3095] Ibid.,p.428.
[3096] Ken Alder,The Measure of All Things:The Seven-Year Odyssey That Transformed the World,London:Little Brown/Abacus,2002/2004,p.96.
[3097] Ibid.,pp.314—325.
[3098] Hawthorn,Enlightenment and Despair,Op.cit.,p.67.
[3099] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.423.
[3100] Hawthorn,Op.cit.,p.218.
[3101] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,pp.423—424.
[3102] 圣西门把社会看作由贵族、产业工人和“低贱阶级”组成。换言之，他对中产阶级有一种健康的不喜之情。Hawthorn,Op.cit.,p.68.
[3103] John Marks,Science and the Making of the Modern World,London:Heinemann,1983,p.196.
[3104] Ibid.,p.197.
[3105] Ibid.,pp.198—199.
[3106] Ibid.
[3107] Charlotte Roberts and Margaret Cox,Health and Disease in Britain:From Prehistory to the Present Day,Stroud,England:Sutton,2003,pp.338—340.罗伊和波特警告说，尽管我们现在把肺结核和肺痨等同，但其实后者通常包括哮喘、黏膜炎等。Roy and Dorothy Porter,In Sickness and in Health:The British Experience,1650—1850,London:Fourth Estate,1988,p.146.
[3108] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.427.Boorstin,The Seekers,Op.cit.,p.222.
[3109] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.201.
[3110] 有关同圣西门的决裂，see Mary Pickering,Auguste Comte:An Intellectual Biography,Cambridge,England:Cambridge University Press,1993,pp.192ff。
[3111] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.429.
[3112] Ibid.,p.430.
[3113] Pickering,Op.cit.,pp.612—613 and 615.
[3114] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.431.
[3115] 孔德对自己的成就评价很高，在生命的最后阶段，他这样给自己签名，“普世宗教的创立者、人类的伟大牧师”。
[3116] See‘The vogue for Spencer’,in Richard Hofstadter,Social Darwinism in American Thought,Boston:Beacon Books,1944/1992,pp.31ff.
[3117] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.438.
[3118] Ibid.,p.446.
[3119] L.A.Coser,Masters in Sociological Thought:Ideas in Historical and Sociological Context,New York:Harcourt Brace,1971,p.281.Harold Perkin,The Rise of Professional Society:England Since 1880,London and New York:Routledge,1989/1990,p.49.
[3120] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.555.
[3121] 关于在协会中“闷烧”的争论，see Hawthorn,Op.cit.,pp.147ff。
[3122] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.556.
[3123] Ibid.,pp.556—557.
[3124] Hawthorn,Op.cit.,p.157.
[3125] Anthony Giddens,Introduction to Max Weber,The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism,London and New York:Routledge,1942(reprint 1986),p.ix.
[3126] Reinhard Bendix,Max Weber:An Intellectual Portrait,London:Heinemann,1960,p.70.关于韦伯的政治观点，see Hawthorn,Op.cit.,pp.154f。
[3127] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,pp.561—562.
[3128] Giddens,Op.cit.,pp.ixff.
[3129] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.563.
[3130] Hawthorn,Op.cit.,p.186.
[3131] David Frisby,Georg Simmel,London:Tavistock Publications,1984,p.51.
[3132] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.546.
[3133] Ibid.关于同实用主义的联系（见第34章），see Hawthorn,Op.cit.,p.122。
[3134] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.547.
[3135] Steven Lukes,Emile Durkheim:His Life and Work,London:Allen Lane The Penguin Press,1973,pp.206ff.
[3136] 关于利己、道德沦丧和利他的差异，Ibid.,p.207。
[3137] Marks,Op.cit.,p.208.
[3138] Roberts and Cox,Op.cit.,p.537.‘The germ theory of disease’,Alexander Hellemans and Bryan Bunch,The Timetables of Science,New York:Simon&Schuster,1991,p.356.
[3139] Roger Smith,Op.cit.,p.535.
[3140] Bernal,Science and History,Op.cit.,vol.4,p.1140.
[3141] Alder,Op.cit.,p.322.
[3142] Alan Desrosières,The Politics of Large Numbers:A History of Statistical Reasoning,translated by Camille Naish,Cambridge,Massachusetts:Harvard University Press,1998,p.75.
[3143] Ibid.,pp.73—79 and 90—91.
[3144] Lisanne Radice,Beatrice and Sidney Webb,Fabian Socialists,London:Macmillan,1984,p.55.
[3145] 不是每个人都喜欢这种新方法。在英国，出生、婚姻和死亡登记制度受到各方面的批评。计算出生率激怒了英国国教，他们认为不计算洗礼数量是对非国教徒的过分尊重；一种观点认为计算将要加入造物主队伍的人数是对上帝的不敬；许多人则认为他们的家庭规模绝对是私事。M.T.Cullen,The Statistical Movement in Early Victorian Britain,Hassocks,Sussex:Harvester,1975,pp.29—30.
[3146] David Boyle,The Tyranny of Numbers,London:Harper-Collins,2000,pp.64—65.
[3147] Ibid.,p.72.
[3148] Ibid.,p.74.
[3149] Desrosieères,Op.cit.,pp.232ff.
[3150] Schulze,States,Nations and Nationalism,Op.cit.,p.69.
[3151] Anthony Pagden,People and Empires,London:Weidenfeld&Nicolson,2001,p.89.
[3152] Niall Ferguson,Empire:How Britain Made the Modern World,London:Allen Lane/Penguin,2003/2004,p.63.See also Pagden,Op.cit.,p.92.
[3153] Ibid.,p.94.
[3154] Ibid.,p.97.
[3155] Ibid.,p.98.关于新英格兰人的财富，see Ferguson,Op.cit.,p.8。
[3156] 然而，“保护”思想的意思是，东印度公司确实需要涉入政治。See Jürgen Osterhammel,Colonialism,Princeton,New Jersey,and London:Princeton University Press,2003,p.32.See also Ferguson,Op.cit.,p.163.
[3157] Pagden,Op.cit.,pp.100—101.
[3158] Jeremy Bernstein,Dawning of the Raj:The Life and Times of Warren Hastings,London:Aurum,2001,pp.208ff.See also Ferguson,Op.cit.,p.38.
[3159] Pagden,Op.cit.,p.104.Ferguson,Op.cit.,pp.xxiii and 260.大卫·阿米蒂奇在他的The Ideological Origins of the British Empire(Cambridge,England:Cambridge University Press,2002)一书中说，新教徒关于财产的论点在帝国思想中非常重要。
[3160] Seymour Drescher,From Freedom to Slavery:Comparative Studies in the Rise and Fall of Atlantic Slavery,London:Macmillan,1999,p.344上说，犹太人几乎没有参与奴隶制。
[3161] Pagden,Op.cit.,p.111.
[3162] Ibid.,p.112.
[3163] Ibid.,p.113.关于教皇的其他奴隶制教谕，see Moynahan,Op.cit.,pp.537ff。
[3164] Pagden,Op.cit.,p.114.
[3165] Lawrence James,The Rise and Fall of the British Empire,London:Little Brown/Abacus,1994/1998,p.185.关于在威尔伯福斯之前和之后时期的反奴隶制运动，see Drescher,Op.cit.,pp.69—71。
[3166] Pagden,Op.cit.,p.117.
[3167] Schulze,Op.cit.,p.197.
[3168] Ibid.,p.198.
[3169] Ibid.
[3170] Ibid.,p.199.
[3171] Ibid.,p.200.
[3172] Ibid.,p.204.
[3173] Ibid.,p.205.
[3174] Tony Smith,The Pattern of Imperialism,Cambridge,England:Cambridge University Press,1981,p.41,书中探讨了工会如何开始干预帝国意识形态。
[3175] Friedrich Meinecke,Cosmopolitanism and the National State,translated by Robert B.Kimber,Princeton,New Jersey:Princeton University Press,1970,pp.25—26.
[3176] Ibid.,p.136.
[3177] Michael Morton,Herder and the Poetics of Thought,Pittsburgh:Pennsylvania University Press,1989,p.99.
[3178] Schulze,Op.cit.,p.232.
[3179] Ibid.,p.233.
[3180] Wolfgang J.Mommsen(editor),Imperialismus,Hamburg,1977,p.371.
[3181] William J.Stead(editor),The Last Will and Testament of C.J.Rhodes,London:Review of Reviews Office,1902,pp.57 and 97f.James,Op.cit.,p.169.
[3182] Osterhammel,Op.cit.,p.34.
[3183] Raoul Girardot,Le nationalisme français,1871—1914,Paris,1966,p.179.
[3184] Schulze,Op.cit.,p.237.
[3185] Fritz Stern,Einstein’s German World,Princeton,New Jersey,and London:Princeton University Press,1999,p.3.
[3186] William R.Everdell,The First Moderns:Profiles in the Origins of Twentieth-Century Thought,Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1997,p.166.
[3187]有些段落是作者以前的书《20世纪思想史：惊骇之美》所讨论问题的进一步阐述。
[3188] William Johnston,The Austrian Mind:An Intellectual and Social History 1848—1938,Berkeley,Los Angeles and London:University of California Press,1972/1983,p.183.
[3189] Gordon A.Craig,Germany:1866—1945,Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press,1978/1981,pp.39ff.Eva Kolinsky and Wilfried van der Will(editors),The Cambridge Companion to Modern German Culture,Cambridge,England:Cambridge University Press,1998,p.5.
[3190] Ibid.,pp.43ff.Kolinsky and van der Will,Op.cit.,p.21.
[3191] See for instance:Giles Macdonogh,The Last Kaiser,London:Weidenfeld&Nicolson,2000/Phoenix,2001,p.3.Kolinsky and van der Will,Op.cit.,pp.22—23.
[3192] Craig,Op.cit.,p.56.Kolinsky and van der Will,Op.cit.,pp.4 and 50.
[3193] Ibid.,p.218.
[3194] Ibid.,pp.218—219.
[3195] Schonberg,Lives of the Composers,Op.cit.,pp.239ff.
[3196] Craig,Op.cit.,p.218.
[3197] J.W.Burrow,The Crisis of Reason:European Thought,1848—1914,New Haven and London:Yale University Press,2000,p.158.
[3198] 它们在1945年当纳粹烧毁伊门道夫城堡时被毁，第二次世界大战期间它们一直被藏在那里。
[3199] Carl E.Schorske,Fin-de-Siècle Vienna:Politics and Culture,London:Weidenfeld&Nicolson/New York:Knopf,1980,pp.227—232.
[3200] Burrow,Op.cit.,pp.137—138.
[3201] See Craig,Op.cit.,p.188.
[3202] Burrow,Op.cit.,p.188.
[3203] Pagden,Op.cit.,p.147.
[3204] Ibid.,p.148.
[3205] Hofstadter,Social Darwinism in American Thought,Op.cit.,p.171.
[3206] 有关俄国为什么在那点上不能成为未来之国，see Tony Smith,Op.cit.,pp.63—65。
[3207] Ivan Hannaford,Race:The History of an Idea,Washington,DC,and Baltimore:The Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Johns Hopkins University Press,1996,p.292.
[3208] Mike Hawkins,Social Darwinism in European and American Thought,1860—1945,Cambridge,England:Cambridge University Press,1997,p.193.
[3209] Ibid.,p.196.
[3210] Hofstadter,Op.cit.,p.5.
[3211] Ibid.,pp.51—70.
[3212]同样，这些段落部分以作者《20世纪思想史：惊骇之美》中的材料为基础。
[3213] Ibid.,pp.143ff.
[3214] Hannaford,Op.cit.,pp.291—292.
[3215] Hawkins,Op.cit.,p.132.
[3216] Hannaford,Op.cit.,pp.289—290.
[3217] Hawkins,Op.cit.,p.185.
[3218] Ibid.
[3219] Hannaford,Op.cit.,p.338.
[3220] Ibid.
[3221] Johnston,Op.cit.,p.364.
[3222] Hawkins,Op.cit.,pp.126—127.
[3223] Ibid.,p.178.
[3224] Ibid.,p.62.
[3225] Ibid.,p.201.
[3226] Hannaford,Op.cit.,p.330.
[3227] A.L.Macfie,Orientalism,London:Longman,2002,p.179.
[3228] Ibid.,p.180.
[3229] Ibid.
[3230] Ibid.
[3231] 托尼·史密斯说，当英国人到来时，英国殖民之前的印度在经济上落后于欧洲大约五百年。Macfie,Op.cit.,p.75.
[3232] Ibid.,p.181.
[3233] Ibid.
[3234] Ibid.,p.182.
[3235] 转引自：Ferguson,Op.cit.,p.39.Bernstein,Op.cit.,p.89上说纳撒尼尔·哈尔海德（1771年时二十三岁）是第一个指出孟加拉语和梵语之间的区别的人。
[3236] 黑斯廷斯还资助了一些探险活动。Bernstein,Op.cit.,pp.145ff.
[3237] Macfie,Op.cit.,p.53.
[3238] 关于英国人在印度所毁坏的，see Tony Smith,Op.cit.,p.74。
[3239] Macfie,Op.cit.,p.56.
[3240] Ferguson,Op.cit.,pp.365—371.
[3241] Edward Said,Culture and Imperialism,London and New York:Chatto&Windus/Vintage,1993/1994,pp.xiff.
[3242] Ibid.,p.xxiv.
[3243] Ibid.,pp.8—12.
[3244] Ibid.,p.85.
[3245] 有关萨义德书中的一些漏洞，see Valerie Kennedy,Edward Said:A Critical Introduction,Cambridge,England:Polity Press,2000,pp.25 and 37。萨义德只考虑小说，see Roger Benjamin,Orientalist Aesthetics:Art,Colonialism and North Africa,1880—1930,Berkeley and London:University of California Press,2003,especially pp.129ff,关于艺术家的学术旅行。See also Philippe Jullian,The Orientalists:European Painters of Eastern Scenes,Oxford:Phaidon,1977。在关于艺术家影响的章节中，他说他们帮助建立了“荒芜的东方”（p.39）。
[3246] Said,Op.cit.,p.75.
[3247] Ibid.,p.102.
[3248] Ibid.,p.104.
[3249] Ibid.,p.108.
[3250] Edmund Wilson,‘The Kipling that nobody read’,in The Wound and the Bow,Oxford:Oxford University Press,1947,pp.100—103.
[3251] 诺埃尔·安南在他的文章“Kipling’s place in the history of ideas”中提出了不同的观点，他认为，吉卜林对社会的看法与新社会学家（涂尔干、韦伯、帕雷托）相似，他们都把“社会看作群体的联结；正是这些群体无意中建立起来的行为方式，而不是人的意志或任何类似于阶级、文化或民族传统之类的东西，从根本上决定了人的行为。他们问：这些群体是如何促进社会秩序或不稳定的？而他们的前辈们则问：是否某些群体推动了社会进步？”Said,Op.cit.,p.186 and Noel Annan,‘Kipling’s place in the history of ideas’,Victorian Studies,vol.3,number 4,June 1960,p.323.
[3252] Said,Op.cit.,p.187.
[3253] Ibid.,p.196.
[3254] Redmond O’Hanlon,Joseph Conrad and Charles Darwin,Edinburgh:Salamander Press,1984,p.17.
[3255] D.C.R.A.Goonetilleke,Joseph Conrad:Beyond Culture and Background,London:Macmillan,1990,pp.15ff.
[3256] Kingsley Widner,‘Joseph Conrad’,in Dictionary of Literary Biography,Detroit:Bruccoli Clark,vol.34,1988,pp.43—82.
[3257] Joseph Conrad,Heart of Darkness,Edinburgh and London:William Blackwood/Penguin,1902/1995.
[3258] Goonetilleke,Op.cit.,pp.88—91.
[3259] Conrad,Op.cit.,p.20.
[3260] Goonetilleke,Op.cit.,p.168.
[3261] Richard Curle,Joseph Conrad:A Study,London:Kegan Paul,French,Trübner,1914.
[3262] 在《西方主义》一书中（London:Atlantic Books,2004），伊恩·布鲁玛和阿维沙伊·马格利特区分了与东方主义相反的情感，“对西方世界怀有敌意的俗套形象，可以煽动诸如基地组织运动内心的仇恨”。他们认为这一情感根源于19世纪的泛日耳曼运动，这场运动影响了20世纪阿拉伯世界和日本的民族感情，还根源于波斯的摩尼教同天主教与希腊东正教之间的差异，而东正教在俄国煽动起一种反理性主义精神。
[3263] Melvyn Bragg,The Adventure of English,London:Hodder&Stoughton,2003,p.1.
