1 Miroslav Hroch, Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe, trans. Ben Fowkes (Cambridge, 1985), p. 12.
2 Jeremy Black, Culloden and the ’45 (Stroud, Glos., 1990), preface.
3 Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Act (1975), passim; Bruce Lenman, Jacobite Risings in Britain 1689—1746 (1980), p. 231.
4 F. J. McLynn, France and the Jacobite Rising of 1745 (Edinburgh, 1981), p. 6.
5 E. g., Ian and Kathleen Whyte, On the Trail of the Jacobites (1990).
6 Julian Hoppit, Risk and Failure in English Business, 1700—1800 (Cambridge, 1987), p. 4. 我们现在对那时的苏格兰与英格兰贸易群体的上层人士了解较多，而对较他们更穷、数量极多的同行或威尔士的总体贸易生活知之甚少，例如，见如下这些杰出研究：Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727—1783 (Oxford, 1989); Peter Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society and Family Life in London 1660—1730 (1989); T. M. Devine, The Tobacco Lords: A Study of the Tobacco Merchants of Glasgow and their Trading Activities, c. 1740—90 (Edinburgh, 1990 edn)。
7 Ruth McClure, Coram’s Children (New Haven and London, 1981); 关于这幅画的重要性，见Ellis Waterhouse, Painting in Britain 1530 to 1790 (4th edn, 1978), p. 174。
8 Ronald Paulson, Hogarth: His Life, Art and Times (2 vols, New Haven and London, 1971), II, pp. 35—42.
9 R. M. Nichols and F. A. Wray, A. History of the Foundling Hospital (1935), pp. 249—64.
10 Magnae Britanniae Notitia: or, The Present State of Great Britain (1718), p. 33; ibid. (1755), p. 42.
11 John McVeagh, Tradefull Merchants (1981), p. 65.
12 Parl. Hist., XI, pp. 7, 19.
13 T. K. Meier, Defoe and the Defense of Commerce (Victoria, B. C, 1987), p. 15.
14 第一版序言；J. R. Raven, “English Popular Literature and the Image of Business 1760—1790”, Cambridge University Ph. D. dissertation, 1985 (2 vols), II, unpaginated。
15 W. D. Rubinstein, Men of Property (New Brunswick, 1981).
16 Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite?: England 1540—1880 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 211—255.
17 Marie Peters, Pitt and Popularity (Oxford, 1980), p. 111.
18 David Cannadine, The Decline and Fall of the British Aristocracy (New Haven and London, 1990), pp. 8—25.
19 Neil McKendrick, “‘Gentlemen and Players’ Revisited: the Gentlemanly Ideal, the Business Ideal and the Professional Ideal in English Literary Culture”, in N. McKendrick and R. B. Outhwaite (eds), Business Life and Public Policy (1986); and see McVeagh, Tradefull Merchants, pp. 80 et seq.
20 J. G. Links, Canaletto and his Patrons (1977).
21 E. A. Wrigley, “A Simple Model of London’s Importance in Changing English Society and Economy, 1650—1750”, Past & Present 37 (1967); and Earle, Making of the English Middle Class, passim.
22 Paul Langford, Public Life and the Propertied Englishman, 1689—1798 (Oxford, 1991), p. 194.
23 Defoe的研究仍是最好的，见他的Tour Through the Whole Island of Great Britain, pp. 133—165。
24 P. G. M. Dickson, The Financial Revolution in England (1967), passim.
25 J. V. Beckett and Michael Turner, “Taxation and Economic Growth in Eighteenth-Century England”, Economic History Review, 2nd series, 43 (1990).
26 John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688—1783 (1989), pp. 29—63.
27 引自P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens”, in B. Solow and S. L. Engerman (eds). Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (Cambridge, 1991)。我要感谢 O’Brien 使我有机会在出版前看到这篇杰出的再修正主义作品。N. A. M. Rodger, The Wooden World: An Anatomy of the Georgian Navy (1986), pp. 145—182。
28 关于这一点，见Kathleen Wilson, “Empire, Trade and Popular Politics in Mid-Hanoverian Britain: The Case of Admiral Vernon”, Past & Present 121 (1988); Nicholas Rogers, Whigs and Cities: Popular Politics in the Age of Walpole and Pitt (Oxford, 1989)。
29 Julian Hoppit, “The Use and Abuse of Credit in Eighteenth-Century England”, in McKendrick and Outhwaite, Business Life and Public Policy. 在苏格兰和威尔士，关于信贷的使用尚未进行如此深入的调查，但请参见Charles Munn所给的启发，他认为在苏格兰有一个庞大的个人之间的信贷领域，然而对该领域尚未进行研究。The Scottish Provincial Banking Companies (Edinburgh, 1981), p. 5。
30 Earle, Making of the English Middle Class, p. 412.
31 Brewer, Sinews of Power, p. 186.
32 引自Dickson, Financial Revolution, p. xxi。
33 例如，见Thomas Carew保存在萨默塞特档案室的文章，他是一位很重要的托利派议员。
34 T. Hunter (ed. ), Extracts from the Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland 1738—59 (Edinburgh, 1915), passim.
35 本段及接下来两段十分感谢O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the growth of the British economy”。
36 Denys Forrest, Tea for the British: The Social and Economic History of a Famous Trade (1973), p. 284.
37 Patrick Crowhurst, The Defence of British Trade 1689—1815 (1977), p. 157.
38 Jacob M. Price, “What Did Merchants Do? Reflections on British Overseas Trade, 1660—1790”, Journal of Economic History 49 (1989), p. 276.
39 Forrest, Tea for the British, pp. 55—58.
40 引自Virginia C. Kenny, The Country House Ethos in English Literature 1688—1750: Themes of Personal Retreat and National Expansion (New York, 1984), p. 68.
41 引文来自柏克对老皮特的纪念文字，Peters, Pitt and Popularity, p. vi。
42 Crowhurst, Defence of British Trade, pp. 15—80.
43 Benjamin Newton, Another Dissertation on the Mutual Support of Trade and Civil Liberty (1756), p. 13. 关于对于这一时期商业和公共精神的欧洲范围内的讨论，见 Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before its Triumph (Princeton, 1977)。
44 见Lenman, Jacobite Risings in Britain。
45 在这一意义上，即詹姆斯党人最热心的许多历史记录者，其背景都是坚定的苏格兰民族主义者、罗马天主教徒或顽固的托利派。这并不奇怪，因为反对联合的苏格兰人、天主教徒和顽固的托利派（不是全部托利派），是18世纪活跃的詹姆斯党人的主力军。
46 J. C. D. Clark, English Society 1688—1832 (1985), p. 173.
47 John Childs, The Army, James II and the Glorious Revolution (Manchester, 1980), p. 175, and his The British Army of William Ⅲ, 1689—1702 (Manchester, 1987), p. 6.
48 Brewer, Sinews of Power, pp. 29—63; J. A. Houlding, Fit for Service: The Training of the British Army 1715—1795 (Oxford, 1981).
49 见导览House of Dun: Tour of the House and History, 由The National Trust for Scotland出版; 但最好还是参观这栋住宅。
50 这一预估要感谢我在耶鲁的前同事David Underdown。
51 引自Paul Kleber Monod, Jacobitism and the English People, 1688—1788 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 266。尽管非常同情斯图亚特的事业，但该书博学和富有想象力地重现了“消极”型的詹姆斯党人。苏格兰没有这样的作品存世，但沃尔特·司各特在《韦弗利》中，虚构了同样不情愿的、清静无为的形象，书中与作品同名的英雄（至少开始时）拒绝叛乱的诱惑：“不管斯图亚特固有什么样的权利，冷静地思考告诉他……自那（1688年）以后，曾有四个君主和平和光荣地统治过不列颠，维持和提升了国家在国外的形象，及国内的自由。理性问道，是否值得去搅动一个建立和统治了这么久的政府，把王国拖入到内战的悲惨深渊……？”（斜体由作者所加）。这段引文的前面部分反映了司各特本人的政治观点，但最后这句话在苏格兰引起了更广泛的共鸣，尤其是在1745年之前。这段引文要感谢耶鲁大学的Cyrus Vakil。
52 关于这一点，见Monod, Jacobitism and the English People, and William Donaldson, The Jacobite Song: Political Myth and National Identity (Aberdeen, 1988)。
53 A Collection of State Songs, Poems etc That Have Been Published since the Rebellion (1716), p. 137.
54 Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750—1789 (Oxford, 1974), p. 367.
55 当一名斯托克波特人真的开枪并打死了一名詹姆斯党人士兵时，高地人为了报复，烧了他的牛棚和谷仓，杀了他的牛，抓走了他的父亲：F . J. McLynn, The Jacobite Army in England, 1745 (Edinburgh, 1983), p. 147。
56 Ibid., p. 145.
57 McLynn, France and the Jacobite Rising of 1745.
58 关于法国此时的商业力量，见Ralph Davis, Aleppo and Devonshire Square (1967), p. 28; K. N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company 1660—1760 (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 223—235; William Doyle, The Old European Order 1660—1800 (Oxford, 1978), pp. 62—70; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France (Princeton, 1986), pp. 105—110。
59 Jeremy Black, Natural and Necessary Enemies: Anglo-French Relations in the Eighteenth Century (1986), pp. 146—147.
60 F. J. McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart (1988).
61 W. A. Speck, The Butcher: The Duke of Cumberland and the Suppression of the’45 (Oxford, 1981), pp. 27—52.
62 Ibid., p. 62; P. R. O., S. P. 36/74/3.
63 见A. Livingstone, C. W. H. Aikman, and B. S. Hart (eds), Muster Roll of Prince Charles Edward Stuart’s Army 1745—46 (Aberdeen, 1984)。
64 R. Garnett, “Correspondence of Archbishop Herring and Lord Hardwicke during the Rebellion of 1745”, English Historical Review 19 (1904), p. 542.
65 见附录一。
66 Speck, The Butcher, pp. 72 and 211.
67 P. R. O., S. P. 36/74/24.
68 Report from the Committee of the Guildhall Subscription Towards the Relief, Support, and Encouragement of the Soldiers Employed in Suppressing the Rebellion (1747), p. 3.
69 Monod, Jacobitism and the English People, pp. 336—341.
70 Vanessa S. Doe (ed. ), The Diary of James Clegg of Chapel en le Frith 1708—1755 (3 vols, Derby, 1978—1981), II, p. 559.
71 P. R. O, S. P. 36/71/17; S. P. 36/74, Part II, fol. 57.
72 Lenman, Jacobite Risings in Britain, p. 257.
73 Ibid.; Garnett, “Correspondence of Archbishop Herring”, p. 729.
74 T. C. Smout, “The Burgh of Montrose and the Union of 1707: A Document”, Scottish Historical Review 182 (1987), pp. 103—104; and see Speck, The Butcher, p. 185.
75 Lenman, Jacobite Risings in Britain, pp. 101—102, 216—218; 感谢Paul Monod的信息。
76 所有史学家都同意，1740年代就苏格兰而言，联合王国正在支付经济红利：Christopher A. Whatley, “Economic Causes and Consequences of the Union of 1707: A Survey”, Scottish Historical Review 68 (1989)。
77 P. R. O, S. P. 36/70/107.
78 Boswett’s Life of Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill and L. F. Powell (6 vols, Oxford, 1934), III, pp. 156—157. 这条参考信息要归功于James Caudle。
79 A. J. Youngson, The Prince and the Pretender: A Study in the Writing of History (1985), p. 115.
80 见McLynn, France and the Jacobite Rising。
81 例如，见Rosalind Mitchison (ed. ), The Roots of Nationalism: Studies in Northern Europe (Edinburgh, 1980); C. Prignitz, Vaterlandsliebe und Freiheit Deutscher Patriotismus von 1750 bis 1850 (Wiesbaden, 1981); and the essays in Otto Dann and John Dinwiddy (eds), Nationalism in the Age of the French Revolution (1988)。关于奥西思现象，见Fiona J. Stafford, “The Sublime Savage: A Study of James Macpherson and the Poems of Ossian in Relation to the Cultural Context in Scotland in the 1750s and 1760s”, Oxford University D. Phil. dissertation, 1986。
82 Paulson, Hogarth, II, pp. 90—92.
83 David Owen, English Philanthropy 1660—1960 (1965), p. 50; James Stephen Taylor, “Philanthropy and Empire: Jonas Hanway and the Infant Poor of London”, Eighteenth-Century Studies 12 (1978—1979).
84 John Brown, An Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Times (2nd edn, 1757), p. 111.
85 T. D. Kendrick, The Lisbon Earthquake (1956).
86 Brown, Estimate of the Manners, p. 92; 另见拙文“The Apotheosis of George III: Loyalty, Royalty and the British Nation 1760—1820”, Past & Present 102 (1984), p. 99。
87 Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History 1740—1830 (1987), especially pp. 63—122.
88 Ibid., p. 71.
89 关于这一点，见John Brewer, “Clubs, Commercialization and Polities”, in Neil McK-endrick, John Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England (1982), pp. 231—262; and Kathleen Wilson, “Urban Culture and Political Activism in Hanoverian England: The Emergence of Voluntary Hospitals”, in Eckhart Hellmuth (ed. ), The Transformation of Political Culture: England and Germany in the Late Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1990), pp. 165—184。
90 见Isaac Hunt, “Some Account of the Laudable Institution of the Society of Antigallicans”, in Sermons on Public Occasions (1781)。
91 John Free, A Sermon Preached at St John’s, in Southwark before the Laudable and Loyal Associations of Anti-Gallicans (1756), pp. 18 et seq., 另见他的An Essay Towards an History of the English Tongue (1749), and The Danger Attending an Enlightened and Free People (1753)，在这本书中，他对一个共同的撒克逊种族提出了类似要求。
92 John Butley, A Sermon Preached at the Church of Greenwich . . . before the Laudable Association of Antigallicans (1754), pp. 17—18.
93 D. G. C. Allan, William Shipley: Founder of the Royal Society of Arts (1979 repr); Derek Hudson and Kenneth W. Luckhurst, The Royal Society of Arts 1754—1954 (1954).
94 Hudson and Luckhurst, Royal Society of Arts, pp. 1—89.
95 Ibid., p. 87.
96 Iain Pears, The Discovery of Painting: The Growth of Interest in the Arts in England, 1680—1768 (New Haven and London, 1988), pp. 127—129.
97 Allan, William Shipley, pp. 6—7.
98 James Stephen Taylor, Jonas Hanway: Founder of the Marine Society (1985), pp. 67— 102.
99 Jonas Hanway, Letter to the Marine Society (2nd edn, 1758), p. 4.
100 Taylor, Jonas Hauway, p. 75.
101 这很大程度上是杰拉德·纽曼在《英格兰民族主义的兴起》（Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism）一书中随处可见的观点。此前很久，于尔根·哈贝马斯把那时的西欧当成一个整体来考察其社会发展时，得出了同样的观点。我还发现Geoff Eley的一篇没有发表的论文在这里很有价值：“Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century”。
102 William Thornton, The Counterpoise. Being Thoughts on a Militia and a Standing Army (1752), preface.
103 Hanway, Letter to the Marine Society.
104 D. G. C. Allan, “The Society of Arts and Ggovernment, 1754—1800”, Eighteenth-Century Studies 7 (1973—1974).
105 J. B. Harley, “The Society of Arts and the Surveys of English Counties 1759—1809”, Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 112 (1963—1964).
106 “A Dissertation on the Progress of Agriculture, Arts and Commerce in That Part of Great Britain Called England”, Royal Society of Arts. MS A5/7.
107 Hanway, Letter to the Marine Society, p. iv.
108 Allan. William Shipley, p. 44.
109 D. G. C. Allan, “The Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce: Organization, Membership and Objectives in the First Three Decades 1755—1784”, London University Ph. D. dissertation, 1979, p. 282; A List of the Subscribers for the Benefit of the British Troops (1760).
110 Allan, “Society for the Encouragement of Arts”, p. 290.
111 List of the Subscribers for the Benefit of the British Troops 同A Complete Guide to All Persons Who Have Any Trade or Concern with the City of London (1757)相比较。
112 Helena Hayward, Thomas Johnson and the English Rococo (1964), pp. 23—25.
113 Rococo: Art and Design in Hogarth’s England, 关于1984年维多利亚与艾伯特博物馆一次展览的名录，pp. 48—49。
114 List of the Subscribers for the Benefit of the British Troops, p. 47.
115 Taylor, Jonas Hanway, passim.
116 Jonas Hanway, Letter to the Encouragers of Practical Public-Love (1758), p. 57.
117 Taylor, Jonas Hanway, p. 72.
118 Monitor, Ⅱ September 1762.
119 Brewer, “Clubs, Commercialization and Polities”, p. 232.
