1 引自N. Gash, “After Waterloo: British Society and the Legacy of the Napoleonic Wars”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 28 (1978), p. 146。
2 Seymour Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery: British Mobilization in Comparative Perspective (1986), p. 96; 关于战后英国经济的问题，见Boyd Hilton, Corn, Cash, Commerce: The Econmic Policies of the Tory Government 1815—1830 (Oxford, 1977)。
3 关于这一点: G. C. Bolton, The Passing of the Irish Act of Union (Oxford, 1966); R. B. McDowell, Ireland in the Age of Imperialism and Revolution 1760—1801(Oxford, 1979)。
4 Archibald Prentice, Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Manchester (1970 edn), p. 70.
5 C. A. Bayly, Imperial Meridian: The British Empire and the World 1780—1830 (1989), p. 3. Bayly认为，到1820年，全世界可能有约26%的人口都被包含在了帝国当中。
6 Katherine Solender, Dreadful Fire!Burning of the Houses of Parliament (Cleveland, Ohio, 1984), pp. 27—41.
7 Kenneth Clark, The Gothic Revival (1962 edn), pp. 130—133; 可另见M. H. Port (ed. ), The Houses of Parliament (New Haven and London, 1976), pp. 53—72, 122—141。
8 例如G. I. T. Machin 的经典论著The Catholic Question in English Politics 1820 to 1830 (Oxford, 1964), p. 194, 但另见p. 8。
9 Oliver MacDonagh, The Hereditary Bondsman: Daniel O’Connell 1775—1829 (1988).
10 Colin Haydon, “Anti-Catholicism in Eighteenth Century England c.1714—c.1780”, Oxford University D. Phil. dissertation, 1985, passim.
11 Robert Kent Donovan, “The Military Origins of the Roman Catholic Relief Programme of 1778”, Historical Journal 28 (1985); Christine Johnson, “Developments in the Roman Catholic Church in Scotland, 1789—1829”, Edinburgh Unversity Ph. D. dissertation, 1981, pp. 31—32.
12 引自Edward Porritt, The Unreformed House of Commons: Parliamentary Representation Before 1832 (2 vols, 1963 edn), Ⅱ, p. 468。
13 B. Aspinwall, “Was O’Connell Necessary? Sir Joseph Dillon, Scotland and the Movement for Catholic Emancipation”, in David Loades (ed. ), The End of Strife (Edinburgh, 1984).
14 Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), p. 795.
15 R. G. Thorne (ed. ), The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1790—1820 (5 vols, 1986), Ⅰ, pp. 141—225.
16 对极端托利派倾注了太多情感，并且其现在也吸引了太多的研究，见D. G. S. Simes, “The Ultra Tories in British Politics1824—1834”, Oxford University D. Phil. dissertation, 1974; G. F. A. Best, “The Protestant Constitution and Its Supporters, 1800—1829”，Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (1958)。
17 见Machin, The Catholic Question, pp. 65—178。
18 Jeffrey Williamson, “The Impact of the Irish on British Labour Markers during the Industrial Revolution”, in Roger Swift and Sheridan Gilley (eds), The Irish in Britain 1815—1939 (1989).
19 关于反天主教请愿的信息全部来自保守托利派报纸John Bull。
20 与之相对，1828年废除《考试法》和《市政法》及正式赋予英国非国教徒完全公民权，只引起了28次反对请愿。和往常一样，新教徒社群之间的分歧，比新教徒—天主教徒之间的分歧引起的摩擦小得多。参见G. I. T. Machin, “Resistance to Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, 1828”, Historical Journal 22 (1979)。
21 引自Taunton Courier, 4 March 1829（重点标志由我添加）。
22 Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), pp. 644 and 905 (Taunton and Frome); John Bull, 22 March 1829.
23 Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), pp. 905, 1062.
24 G. I. T. Machin, “Catholic Emancipation as an Issue in North Welsh Politics 1825—1829”, Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion (1962), p. 89.
25 Machin, The Catholic Question, p. 140.
26 Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), p. 808.
27 见Peter Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (1978), pp. 270—286。
28 Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), pp. 358, 422, 580.
29 J. P. de Castro, The Gordon Riots (Oxford, 1926); Robert Kent Donovan, No Popery and Radicalism: Opposition to Roman Catholic Relif in Scotland, 1778—1782 (New York, 1987).
30 议员与贵族经常关注抗议者的“边缘性”: Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), pp. 316, 372—373, 572, 610, 1324; ibid, 21 (1829), p. 659。
31 Ibid. 20 (1829), p. 604.
32 J. R. Wolfe, “Protestant Societies and Anti-Catholic Agitation in Great Britain 1829—1860”, Oxford University D. Phil. dissertation, 1984, pp. 184 and 353中很好地提出的问题。
33 关于1829年后全英反天主教的持续强度，见Wolfe, “Protestant Societies”; W. L. Arnstein, Protestant versus Catholic in Mid-Victorian England (1982); Geoffrey Best, “Popular Protestantism in Victorian Great Britain”in R. Robson (ed. ), Ideas and Institutions of Victorian Britain (1967)。
34 Bruce Lenman, Integration, Englightenment, and Industrialization: Scotland 1746—1832 (1981), p. 159.
35 这一解释基于C. R. Fay, Huskisson and His Age (1951), pp.Ⅰ—Ⅱ; and Frances Ann Kemble, Record of a Girlhood (3 vols, 1878), Ⅱ, pp. 187—190。
36 这一信息要感谢我之前的研究生Stephanie Barczewski。
37 Geoffrey Madan’s Notebooks, ed. J. A. Gere and John Sparrow (1981), p. 117.
38 最细致入微的解释来自于M. Brock, The Great Reform Act (1973); 见Eric J. Evans, Britain before the Reform Act: Politics and Society 1815—1832 (1989)。
39 关于潘恩的破除旧制: Edward Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (1965), pp. 83—101。
40 The Times, 6 December 1794.
41 见T. M. Parssinen, “Association Convention and Anti-Parliament in British radical politics, 1771—1848”, English Historical Review 87 (1973); and Gareth Stedman Jones, “Rethinking Chartism”, in his Languages of Class (Cambridge, 1983)。
42 Prentice, Historical Sketches, p. 188.
43 包含在The Radical Reformers’ New Song Book: Being a Choice Collection of Patriotic Songs (Newcastle, n. d., but after 1819)。
44 J. R. Dinwiddy, From Luddism to the First Reform Bill (1986), pp. 24—30.
45 W. M. Roach, “Radical Reform Movements in Scotland from 1815 to 1822”, Glasgow University Ph. D. dissertation, 1970, pp. 18—21.
46 见J. D. Brims, “The Scottish ‘Jacobins’, Scottish nationalism and British union”, in Roger A. Mason (ed. ), Scotland and England 1286—1815 (Edinburgh, 1987); and his “The Scottish Democratic Movement in the Age of the French Revolution”, Edinburgh University Ph. D. dissertation, 1983。
47 Thompson, Making of the English Working Class, p. 693.
48 Roach, “Radical Reform Movements in Scotland”, pp. 163—164.
49 见匿名小册子Order of the Procession (Edinburgh, n. d., but 1832), National Library of Scotland。
50 Scotsman, 2 and 13 June 1832.
51 J. Belchem, “Henry Hunt and the Evolution of the Mass Platform”, English Historial Review 93 (1978), p. 755.
52 引自Dorothy Thompson, The Chartists (1984), p. 13 （着重标志由我添加）。
53 J. R. Dinwiddy, Christopher Wyvill and Reform 1790—1820, Borthwick Papers, no. 39 (York, 1971), p. 23.
54 见Joseph Hamburger, James Mill and the Art of Revolution (New Haven, 1963), pp. 75—136; Peter Fraser, “Public Petitioning and Parliament before 1832”, History 158 (1961)。
55 John Cannon, Parliamentary Reform 1640—1832 (Cambridge, 1973), p. 214n. ; Hansard, 3rd series , 3 (1831), pp. 1201—1202.
56 例如，1831年10月5日发行的报纸。
57 Scotsman, 10 September 1831.
58 Ibid., 13 June 1832 (Dalkeith meeting); 25 April 1832.
59 Ibid., 22 October 1831.
60 例如，见Paul Johnson, The Birth of the Modern (1991), pp. 995—997。
61 G. M. Trevelyan, Lord Grey of the Reform Bill (1920), pp. 308—309.
62 最好的解释是Cannon, Parliamentary Reform, pp. 204—263。
63 见E. A. Smith, Lord Grey 1764—1845 (Oxford, 1990)。
64 Trevelyan, Lord Grey, p. 285.
65 Hansard, 3rd series, 8 (1831), p. 599 （着重标志由我添加）。
66 见Brock, Great Reform Act, pp. 310—313。
67 David A. Wager, “Welsh Politics and Parliamentary Reform, 1780—1832”, Welsh History Review 7 (1975); Michael Dyer, “‘Mere Detail and Machinery ’: The Great Reform Act and the Effects of Re-Distribution in Scottish Representation, 1832—1868”, Scottish Historical Review 62 (1983).
68 本段及下段极大依赖于Derek Beales出色的文章“The Electorate before and after 1832: The Right to Vote, and the Opportunity”,我获权在其发表前进行查询。
69 《改革法案》对英格兰的影响没那么令人震惊，但仍然引人注目。1826年，在英格兰可能总共超过340,000名选民中，有104,558人参与投票。在1830年，只有88,216人投票。但在新体制下的第一次大选中，有381,375名英格兰选民投了票。
70 在这里，我使用了Robert J. Goldstein在Political Repression in 19th Century Europe (1983), pp. 4—5中所提供的估算，如果读者分别单独观察英格兰、威尔士和苏格兰的选区，而非如Goldstein那样将英国的选区视为一体，就会发现1832年英国选举权的相对宽松与充分十分明显。
71 John Bechem, Orator Hunt: Henry Hunt and English Working Class Radicalism (Oxford, 1985), p. 222.
72 关于苏格兰议员对此的抱怨：Hansard, 3rd series, 9 (1831—1832), pp. 187 and 632 et seq. ; ibid., 10 (1832), pp. 1080—1097。因为他们大都是坚定的托利党人，他们受到这样的事实妨碍，即一般而言，他们注定会反对《改革法案》，所以很少站在为苏格兰特别要求更多有利条件的立场上。
73 见Dyer, “‘Mere Detail and Machinery’”; N. Gash, Reaction and Reconstruction in English Politics, 1832—1853 (Oxford, 1965)。
74 见图例“‘The Gathering of the Unions’on Newhall Hill; 7 May 1832”, in The Collected Essays of Asa Briggs.Ⅰ: Words, Numbers, Places, People (Brighton, 1985), pp. 60—61。
75 Goldstein, Political Repression, pp. 4—5.
76 Albert Boime, The Art of Exclusion: Representing Blacks in the Nineteenth Century (1990), pp. 67—70.
77 最有用的观察源自于James Walvin, England, Slaves, and Freedom, 1776—1838 (Jackson, Miss., 1986)。除却此标题，本书实际上并非将自身考察限于英格兰。
78 Seymour Drescher, Econocide: British Slavery in the Era of Abolition (Pittsburgh, 1977), p. 27.
79 Ibid., pp. 28—30. Cf. Paul Lovejoy, “The Volume of the Atlantic Slave Trade”, Journal of African History (1982).
80 引自David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770—1823 (1975), p. 24。
81 Ibid., pp. 45—49; Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery, p. 60.
82 Roger Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition 1760—1810 (1975), p. 239.
83 Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery, pp. 70—73.
84 John Pollock, Wilberforce (1977), p. 89.
85 Hansard, 1st series, 8 (1806—1807), pp. 670—671.
86 引自Davis, The Problem of Slavery, p. 379。
87 Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery, pp. 59, 74—94.
88 Ibid., p. 85; Alex Tyrrell, “The Moral Radical Party and the Anglo-Jamaican Campaign for the Abolition of the Negro Apprenticeship system”, English Historical Review 99 (1984), p. 492.
89 Folarin Shyllon, Black People in Britain 1555—1833 (1977).
90 The Bow in the Cloud; or, The Negro’s Memorial (1834), p. 405. 由各色英国人为西印度奴隶的解放所写的业余诗作集成的诗集，是一本更自鸣得意地记录当时民族主义的珍贵文本。
91 Davis, The Problem of Slavery, p. 49.
92 Robin Furneaux, William Wilberforce (1974), pp. 455—456.
93 Econocide, p. 16. Drescher 在此处，依我看来，十分成功地反驳了 Williams在经典之作Capitalism and Slavery (1944)中所提出的论据。
94 见Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Econimic Thought 1795—1865 (Oxford, 1988), passim。
95 Hansard, 1st series, 7 (1806), p. 807; ibid., 8 (1806—7), pp. 978—979.
96 Drescher，Econocide, passim. 在经济层面，也像在道德层面一样，英国对奴隶制的记录很矛盾。在1838年之后，它的糖是自由人生产的，但其棉纺织业仍有超过70%的原材料来自美国的蓄奴州：David Brion Davis, Slavery and Human Progress (New York, 1984), pp. 208—209。
97 见Seymour Drescher, “Cart Whip and Billy Roller: Or Anti-Slavery and Reform Symbolism in Industrializing Britain”, Journal of Social History 15 (1981)。
98 Davis, Slavery and Human Progress, p. ⅩⅧ （重点标志由我所加）。这本非凡的著作非常有助于我在此处所进行的阐释。
99 Hansard, 3rd series, 15 (1833), p. 1197.
100 见Conor Cruise O’Brien, God Land: Reflections on Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1987)。
101 决心减少大众对立法施加压力的机会，这一决定在一定程度上推动了议会在1830年代中叶之后拒绝讨论请愿书，关于这一点，参见Fraser, “Public Petitioning”, pp. 209—211。
102 Hansard, 3rd series, 16 (1833), p. 1201; Fraser, “Public Petitioning”, p. 207.
结 论
1 本段及下段在很大程度上利用了H. A. D. Miles与David Blayney Brown的Sir David Wilkie of Scotland (Raleigh, N. C., 1987)。
2 见Allan Cunningham, The Life of Sir David Wilkie (3 vols, 1843), Ⅱ, pp. 71—77。
3 E. J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge, 1990), p. 91.
4 John Lough, France on the Eve of Revolution: British Travellers’ Observations 1763—1788(1987), p. 61.
5 Hugo Young, The Iron Lady: A Biography of Margaret Thatcher (New York, 1989), p. 9.
6 见Brian Stanley, The Bible and the Flag: Protestant Missions and British Imperialism in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (1990)。
7 关于这一趋势，见Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York, 1978): for example, pp. 33—34。
8 F. Reid, Keir Hardie: The Making of a Socialist (1978), p. 124.
9 见Simon Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Duch Culture in the Golden Age (Berkeley, Ca., 1988); Michael Roberts, “The Swedish Church”, in his edited volume, Sweden’s Age of Greatness (1973)。
10 Paul Bushkovitch, “The Formation of a National Consciousness in Early Modern Russia”, Harvard Ukrainian Studies 10, no. 3/4 (1986).
11 我敢于批评Eugen Weber的Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870—1914 (Stanford, Ca., 1976)这部杰出著作，要得益于我的前同事David Bell的研究。
12 Ibid., p. 112.
13 引自Chtistopher Hill, Collected Essays. Ⅲ: People and Ideas in 17th Century England (1986), p. 249。
14 Cf. Arthru Marwick, The Deluge: British Society and the First World War (1965).
15 见Raphael Samuel, ed., Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity (3 vols , 1989)中的文章。
16 引自John Morley, The Life of Richard Cobden (Boston, Mass., 1881), p. 313。
17 Peter Scott, Knowledge and Nation (Edinburgh, 1990), p. 168.
18 见R. J. Morris, “Scotland, 1830—1914: The Making of a Nation within a Nation”, in R. J. Morris and W. H. Fraser, eds, People and Society in Scotland. Ⅱ: 1830—1914 (Edinburgh, 1990)。詹姆斯·布赖斯在1887年对这一点说得很清楚：“英格兰人只有一种爱国主义，因为对他们而言，英格兰和联合王国完全是一回事。而苏格兰人有两种爱国主义，但他们觉得这之间并不对立。”Mr. Gladstone and the Nationalities of the United Kingdom: A Series of Letters to the ‘Times’(1887), p. 15.
19 Gentleman’s Magazine 101(1831), pp. 438—439.
20 Glanmor Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality in Wales (Cardiff, 1979), pp. 143—144.
21 Sir John Sinclair, An Account of the Highland Society of London(1813), pp. 27and 35.
22 Tom Nairn的苏格兰民族主义经典之作The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis and Neo-Nation-alism (2nd edn, 1981) 已伴随有一系列类似研究。但任何想要了解这一争论的紧迫性和广泛性有多强烈的人，只需对英国的新闻出版稍加留意。在我1991年初次撰写本注释时，情况与2009年的今天都是如此。
23 Sir John Macpherson to Sir John Sinclair, 9 November 1798, History of Parliament Trust, Sinclair transcripts.
1 乌尔斯特（Ulster），历史上一个古老的地区和王国，位于爱尔兰北部，在詹姆斯一世统治时，大部分被并入英国，现在被爱尔兰共和国和北爱尔兰所分割。——译者
2 计划在1605年11月5日刺杀詹姆斯一世并解散议会的阴谋，以报复英国迫害罗马天主教徒，因被揭发而以失败告终。——译者
3 约翰·诺克斯（John Knox），约 1505—1572年，苏格兰新教改革家，对在苏格兰新教政体中建立苏格兰教会发挥了中坚作用，并在信奉天主教的苏格兰女王玛丽1561年亲政时，领导了对她的反抗。——译者
4 希律（Herod），约公元前74—前4年，公元前37—前4年统治犹太地区。根据《新约·马太福音》第2章第16节，耶稣在其统治期间诞生，于是他下令屠杀所有同龄的男婴。——译者
5 “And Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet anointed Solomon King”，一些《圣经》译本也把两人的名字译为祭司撒督和先知拿单。——译者
6 一种认为尽管圣餐面包和葡萄酒的外表没有变化，但已变成了耶稣的身体和血的主张。——译者
7 教育观光旅行（Grand Tour），遍游欧洲大陆的旅行，在从前被认为是英国上流社会年轻人所受教育的结业课程。——译者
8 詹金斯之耳战争（War of Jenkins’Ear），是英国与西班牙之间从1739—1748年间发生的军事冲突。从1742年起，相关战争成为奥地利王位继承战争的一部分。——译者
9 这是一句双关语，其另一层隐晦意思涉及对男性生殖能力的夸耀。——译者
10 家庭版圣经（Family Bible），通常附有空白页，用来记载家属结婚、出生、死亡等事项。——译者
11 威廉·科贝特（William Cobbett），英国新闻工作者和社会改革家，因作品文集《乡村漫游》（1830年）闻名，该文集揭示了工业革命引起的农村生活的恶化。——译者
12 蒙泰姆山节，最晚在1561年就开始在伊顿公学兴起的一个传统节日，因在学校外两千米处的蒙泰姆山进行而得名（该山也因此又被称作盐山），最初是为新生撒盐以开启其智慧的入学典礼，每年举行一次，几经变革，最后在1847年被废止。——译者
13 宁录（Nimrod），《圣经·创世记》中一个英勇的猎人，这个记者以此为笔名显然意有所指。——译者
14 几尼（guinea），英国旧时的金币，值二十一先令。——译者
15 帕玛街（Pall Mall），伦敦一条上流社会街道，以圣詹姆斯宫的残存部分和许多私人俱乐部闻名。它的名字来源于类似门球的铁圈球游戏。17世纪的圣詹姆斯宫前辟有玩这种游戏的球场。——译者
