Chapter 9
这两个「皇帝梦」皆出自Artemidorus, The Interpretation of Dreams 4, 31；死亡预兆见2, 30。Peter Thonemann, An Ancient Dream Manual: Artemidorus’ The Interpretation of Dreams (Oxford UP, 2020), 198–204探讨皇帝在这份手册中的角色（Oxford World’s Classics有很好的译本，译者为Martin Hammond）。Jennifer Trimble, ‘Corpore enormi: the Rhetoric of Physical Appearance in Suetonius and Imperial Portrait Statuary’, in Art and Rhetoric in Roman Culture, edited by Ja· Elsner and Michel Meyer (Cambridge UP, 2014), 115–54细致比较了雕像与苏埃托尼乌斯的描述之间的差异。现代对于罗马皇帝形象的挪用，有其漫长历史，这是我在Twelve Caesars: Images of Power from the Ancient World to the Modern (Princeton UP, 2021)所探讨的主题，而我在本书简短谈到的古代「肖像」类雕像的辨识问题，这本书也有详细谈到其中几个（尤其是历代人们以为是尤利乌斯．西泽样貌的不同雕像）。
Cassius Dio 44, 4提到有各式各样的尤利乌斯．西泽像；Antony E. Raubitschek, ‘Epigraphical Notes on Julius Caesar’, Journal of Roman Studies 44 (1954), 65–75, and by Jakob Munk H·jte, Roman Imperial Statue Bases: From Augustus to Commodus (Aarhus UP, 2005), 97研究了雕像底座。Dietrich Boschung, Die Bildnesse des Augustus (Gebr. Mann, 1993)是奥古斯都形象的权威目录。Jane Fejfer, Roman Portraits in Context (Walter de Gruyter, 2008), 373–429全面检视皇帝像的意识形态、制作、重制并展示，还有Caroline Vout, Exposed: The Greek and Roman Body (Profile, 2022), 235–68，以及Susan Wood, ‘Portraiture’, in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Sculpture, edited by Elise A. Friedland et al, (Oxford UP, 2015), 260–75。Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (University of California Press, 2000), 206–45聚焦于皇帝形象的社会与政治重要性。R. R. R. Smith, ‘Typology and Diversity in the Portraits of Augustus’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 9 (1996), 30–47（对Boschung目录的响应）探讨了模型的重要性，以及透过发型细节辨识身分的作法，Caroline Vout, ‘Antinous, Archaeology and History’, Journal of Roman Studies 95 (2005), 80–96（提出了一些值得怀疑的问题）与Klaus Fittschen, ‘The Portraits of Roman Emperors and their Families’, in The Emperor and Rome edited by Ewald and Nore·a（见前〈第一章〉），221–46（对Vout的响应，学养深厚，只是稍显暴躁）。那位写信提醒哈德良的朋友是阿瑞安（Arrian），见氏着Periplus (or Circumnavigation) 2（译见Aidan Liddle, Bristol Classical Press, 2003）。John Pollini, The Portraiture of Gaius and Lucius Caesar (Fordham UP, 1987), 100 and 101，提到两尊有争议的雕像，谈到彼此互斥的指认。对于哈德良的胡子，不同的解释见Paul Zanker, The Mask of Socrates (University of California Press, 1996), 217–33, Caroline Vout, ‘What’s in a Beard· Rethinking Hadrian’s Hellenism’, Rethinking Revolutions Through Ancient Greece, edited by Simon Goldhill and Robin Osbourne (Cambridge UP, 2006), 96–123以及Opper, Hadrian（见前〈第四章〉，69–72（专注于一尊知名的蓄胡哈德良雕像，后来发现是遭到错误的修复）。
Elizabeth Bartman, Portraits of Livia: Imaging the Imperial Woman in Augustan Rome (Cambridge UP, 1999)收集了利薇雅的肖像。Helen I. Ackers, ‘The Representation of Wigs in Roman Female Portraiture of the Late 2nd to 3rd Century ad’, BABESCH 94 (2019), 211–34探讨假发在女性肖像中扮演的角色。R. R. R. Smith, ‘Roman Portraits: Honours, Empresses, and Late Emperors’, Journal of Roman Studies 75 (1985), 209–21提供好几个例子，说明皇室女性的肖像以皇帝为模范(214–15)。乌耶雷亚的三代群像，见C. Brian Rose, Dynastic Commemoration and Imperial Portraiture in the Julio-Claudian Period (Cambridge UP, 1997), 121–6（详图见Kelly and Hug，见前〈通论〉，vol. II, no. 5.7）；梅萨丽娜雕像，讨论见Susan E. Wood, ‘Messalina, Wife of Claudius: Propaganda Successes and Failures of his Reign’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 5 (1992), 219–34 (esp. 219–30)，希腊雕像原型见Amy C. Smith, Polis and Personification in Classical Athenian Art (Brill, 2011), 110–12。阿芙萝黛西雅的雕像，以及神庙的历史，详细见R . R . R . Smith, The Marble Reliefs from the Julio-Claudian Sebasteion (Aphrodisias VI) (Philipp von Zabern, 2013)，有尼罗与阿格丽普庇娜的饰板为no. A1。对皇族的浮雕，Smith in ‘The Imperial Reliefs from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias’, Journal of Roman Studies 77 (1987), 88–138有比较简短的讨论。「标志性征服」一词是Smith的说法（见The Marble Reliefs, 142）。R. R. R. Smith（还是他）在‘Maiestas Serena’（见前〈第四章〉），no. 39探讨了阿格丽普庇娜与尼罗的浮雕宝石。我在Twelve Caesars, 247–9进一步探讨皇后与神祇之间的刻意模糊。科赤斯特出土的金牌（现藏大英博物馆）在Catherine Johns, The Jewellery of Roman Britain: Celtic and Classical Traditions (UCL Press, 1996), 191有简短探讨。Anthony A. Barrett, Livia: First Lady of Imperial Rome (Yale UP, 2002), 263–4说明了利薇雅图案的筹码。Dahmen, Untersuchungen（见前〈序幕〉）探讨了许多皇帝主题小饰品。Martina Minas-Nerpel, ‘Egyptian Temples’ in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, edited by Christina Riggs (Oxford UP, 2012), 362–82探讨皇帝对于埃及神庙的影响，以及皇帝在神庙中的再现。马可．奥里略像的误辨，是Peter Stewart, ‘The Equestrian Statue of Marcus Aurelius’, in A Companion to Marcus Aurelius, edited by van Ackeren（见前〈第五章〉）264–77的其中一个主题。
绘画（或者有着色的雕像）见Fronto, Letter to Marcus 4, 12（收录在Davenport and Manley, Fronto，见前〈第四章〉，no. 24）。Pliny, Natural History 35, 51提到尼罗巨型画像的故事；Herodian, History 5, 5提到埃拉加巴卢斯先行的画像。Thomas F. Mathews, with Norman E. Muller, The Dawn of Christian Art ( J. Paul Getty Museum, 2016), 74–83探讨塞普提米乌斯．塞维鲁斯一家的现存画像（包括不太可信的莎草纸文献），Jane Rowlandson, Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: A Sourcebook (Cambridge UP, 1998), no. 44对莎草纸文献有部分准确的翻译。「相当粗糙」是Ja· Elsner, The Art of the Roman Empire (2nd ed., Oxford UP, 2018), 51的评价；「水平绝佳」是Mathews, 74的评价。Barrett, Rome is Burning（见前〈第四章〉）199–201以及Fred C. Albertson, ‘Zenodorus’s “Colossus of Nero”’, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 46 (2001), 95–118探讨了尼罗巨像。普林尼对于巨像的赞美，见氏着Natural History 34, 45–47。Cassius Dio 65, 15提到提图斯的脸（但也表示雕像其实是在维斯帕先统治时竖立的）；Imperial History, Hadrian 19提到这尊雕像的位置；Herodian History 1, 15, Cassius Dio 73, 22与Imperial History, Commodus 17提到康茂德做的调整。图密善巨像是Statius, Silvae 1, 1的主题，讨论亦见于Newlands, Statius’ Silvae（见前〈第三章〉）51–73以及Daira Nocera, ‘Legacy Revisited: Augustus and Domitian in the Imperial Fora and the Roman Forum’, in Domitian’s Rome and the Augustan Legacy, edited by Raymond Marks and Marcello Mogetta (University of Michigan Press, 2021), 57–75 (esp. 65–74)。
奥古斯都在What I Did, 24提到银雕像；马可．奥里略与卢奇乌斯．乌耶鲁斯的拒绝，记录在一份铭文中（Die Inschriften von Ephesos I no. 25），https://www.judaism-and-rome.org/re-casting-imperial-images-phesus-under-marcus-aurelius有完整讨论，但没有全译文。巨像的关键问题，在于是不是在皇帝在世时立像。比方说，奥古斯都广场那尊超过真人大小的奥古斯都战车像，确实是在世时竖立的，而其它的雕像（包括残留至今的残片）则是在他身故后才竖立的。Martial, Epigrams 8, 44提到的可能是他统治时竖立的雕像。提比留巨像（现以其基座的古代复制品闻名）的复杂历史，见Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty, 311的回顾。Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum（见前〈第四章〉，215–20，讨论了巨像的压迫感。形象的「抹消」，讨论见Peter Stewart, Status in Roman Society: Representation and Response (Oxford UP, 2003), 267–90。Mathews, with Muller, in The Dawn of Christian Art, 80驳斥了屎的传说。Thorsten Opper, The Mero· Head (British Museum Press, 2014)深入探讨了麦罗埃头像。关于君士坦丁凯旋门上的哈德良浮雕，讨论见前〈第七章〉。 Statius Silvae 1, 1, 84–7开了西泽头像的玩笑。皇帝雕像的重塑，是From Caligula to Constantine: Tyranny and Transformation in Roman Portraiture, edited by Eric R. Warner (Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University, 2000), esp. 9–14的主题，解释了这一类雕像的诸多个案。
奥多被人放上雕像底座的故事，见Tacitus, Histories 1, 36，卡利德罗穆斯的苦难故事见Pliny, Letters 10, 74。皇帝雕像的威能，讨论S. R. F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge UP, 1984), 191–205，以及（也探讨了钱币上的图像）Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty, 206–3（亦见相应的古代传记）。卢奇乌斯．乌耶鲁斯别墅发现的皇帝像收藏，见Fejfer, Roman Portraits, 422–5，完整讨论见Valentina Mastrodonato, ‘Una residenza imperiale nel suburbio di Roma: La villa di Lucio Vero in località Acquatraversa’, Archeologia Classica 51 (1999–2000), 157–235。
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参观景点：大博物馆通常至少都有几尊罗马皇帝半身像。罗马卡比托利欧博物馆的皇帝之间（Room of the Emperors）最能引发思古幽情，从尤利乌斯．西泽以降的历代皇帝像（以及皇后像）尽列在前（最早一次聚集起这些雕像，是在一七三〇年代）。康茂德海克力士扮相雕像与马可．奥里略骑马像这两尊知名雕像，则展示在同博物馆的其它分馆。利薇雅第一拱别墅出土的奥古斯都像，今藏于梵蒂冈博物馆。出了罗马，乌耶雷亚雕像收藏于北意大利的帕尔玛考古博物馆（Archaeological Museum of Parma）。阿芙萝黛西雅发现的雕像，今藏于就地兴建的博物馆，位于土耳其西南。丹铎神庙的奥古斯都浮雕，现藏于纽约大都会博物馆。
