[319]Jonathan R.Topham,“Biology in the Service of Natural Theology:Paley,Darwin,and theBridgewater Treatises, ”inBiology and Ideology from Descartes to Dawkins, ed. Denis Alexander and Ronald L. Numbers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 88-113.
[320]Ronald L. Numbers,Creation by Natural Law: Laplace's Nebular Hypothesis in American Thought (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977), 20. William Buckland's subsequent treatise on geology likewise endorsed the hypothesis. Richard Yeo，“William Whewell, Natural Theology, and the Philosophy of Science in Mid Nineteenth Century Britain, ”Annals of Science 36,no.5(1979):493-516;Robert M. Young,“Malthus and the Evolutionists:The Common Context of Biological and Social Theory, ”Past and Present 43,no.1(1969):109-45.
[321]Whewell,Astronomy and General Physics,189.
[322]同上，342。休厄尔对数学和科学的范围进行了严格的限制：“因此，我们可以非常恰当地拒绝赋予近代的机械哲学家和数学家关于他们对宇宙管理的观点的任何权威；当我们上升到宇宙的第一因和最高统治者时，我们没有理由期望从他们的推测中得到任何帮助。”同上，334。
[323]William Buckland,Geology and Mineralogy Considered with Reference to Natural Theology(London:W. Pickering,1836);Charles Coulston Gillispie,Genesis and Geology:A Study in the Relations of Scientific Thought,Natural Theology,and Social Opinion in Great Britain,1790-1850(Cambridge,Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1951).
[324]R. M. Young，“Natural Theology, Victorian Periodicals, and the Fragmentation of a Common Context, ”inDarwin's Metaphor: Nature's Place in Victorian Culture(Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 126-63; J. H. Brooke，“The Natural Theology of the Geologists: Some Theological Strata, ”inImages of the Earth:Essays in the History of the Environmental Sciences,ed.Ludmilla J.Jordanova and Roy Porter, 2nd ed. (Chalfont St. Giles: British Society for the History of Science, 1997), 53-74; John Hedley Brooke，“Natural Theology and the Plurality of Worlds: Observations on the Brewster-Whewell Debate, ”Annals of Science 34,no.3(1977):221-86．同样，在人类社会中，由神所规定的社会阶层之间的相互依存关系向《布里奇沃特论文集》的作者指出，现存的社会秩序和等级制度是正确、行之有效的；见William Kirby,On the Power,Wisdom,and Goodness of God as Manifested in the Creation of Animals and in Their History,Habits,and Instincts(London:William Pickering,1835)。
[325]Herschel quoted in Goodman,The Sun and the Moon,185;Laura J.Snyder,“‘Lord Only of the Ruffians and Fiends'?William Whewell and the Plurality of Worlds Debate, ”Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 38,no.3(2007):584-92.
[326]托马斯·迪克提到了“有数不胜数的聪明人，也许其在智力水平上比我们地球上的居民要高得多”; quoted in Goodman,The Sun and the Moon,193．包括威廉·奥伯斯在内的自然哲学家发现了几个大型小行星和彗星；他们也认为“非常有可能”在月球和其他行星上存在着聪明的生物。Goodman,The Sun and the Moon,133,193;William J.Astore,Observing God:Thomas Dick,Evangelicalism, and Popular Science in Victorian Britain and America(Aldershot:Routledge,2001).
[327]对爱伦·坡与自然神学关系的最广泛研究也是对其科学思想最为彻底的研究之一，关注点是坡的法律推理及其修辞和逻辑训练：Margaret Alterton,Origins of Poe's Critical Theory(1925;New York: Russell and Russell, 1965)。
[328]Poe's personal copy is held at the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas, Austin: Thomas Chalmers,On the Power,Wisdom,and Goodness of God,as Manifested in the Adaptation of External Nature, to the Moral and Intellectual Constitution of Man(Philadelphia: Carey, Blanchard, and Lea, 1833).
[329]同上，97。
[330]White to William Scott,Nov.24,1836,inTPL,234.
[331]White to Nathaniel Beverley Tucker,Dec.27,1836,inTPL,236.
[332]Henry C.Carey to John Pendleton Kennedy,Nov.26,1834,inTPL,142．凯瑞后来对爱伦·坡在其故事中同情疯子的做法感到不安。“他不是疯了吗？我不会像你建议的那样帮助他，但我想确定他是清醒的。”Carey to Kennedy,Oct.4,1835,inTPL,175.
[333]Harper & Brothers to Poe, June 19, 1836, Harper and Brothers to Poe (RCL152), Misc. Letters, Edgar Allan Poe Society of Baltimore.
[334]Aaron Sachs,The Humboldt Current:Nineteenth-Century Exploration and the Roots of American Environmentalism(New York:Penguin Books,2007),on Reynolds and Symmes,and the ongoing confusion about Reynolds's first name: historians often call him Jeremiah Reynolds; his official name appears to be James (382n39).Aubrey Starke,“Poe's Friend Reynolds, ”American Literature 11,no.2(1939):152-59;Robert F.Almy,J.N.Reynolds:A Brief Biography with Particular Reference to Poe and Symmes (New York:Colophon, 1937).
[335]Captain John Cleves Symmes,Circular No.1(St.Louis),April 10,1818.
[336]J.N.Reynolds,Voyage of the United States Frigate Potomac,Under the Command of Commodore John Downes,During the Circumnavigation of the Globe in the Years 1831-32-33 and 34(New York:Harper& Brothers, 1835).
[337]J.N.Reynolds,Address on the Subject of a Surveying and Exploring Expedition to the Pacific Ocean and South Seas:Delivered in the Hall of Representatives on the Evening of April 3,1836(New York:Harper&Brothers,1836);Poe,“South-Sea Expedition, ”SLM 3,no.1(Jan.1837):68-72.
[338]Rosa Carolina，或可译为“草原蔷薇”。——译者注
[339]Poe，“South-Sea Expedition, ” 70.
[340]Helen M.Rozwadowski,“Introduction:Reconsidering Matthew Fontaine Maury, ”International Journal of Maritime History 28,no.2(2016):388-93;Charles Lee Lewis,Matthew Fontaine Maury,the Pathfinder of the Seas(Annapolis,Md.:United States Naval Institute,1927);John Grady,Matthew Fontaine Maury, Father of Oceanography:A Biography,1806-1873(Jefferson,N.C.:McFarland,2015).
[341]Poe,SLM 2,no.5,June 1836:454.
[342]William Gowans,Catalogue of American Books,no.28(1870):11;AHQ,267.
[343]Poe in Kevin Hayes,Poe and the Printed Word(Cambridge,U.K.:Cambridge University Press,2000),53.
[344]Poe,The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym of Nantucket(New York:Harper&Brothers,1838).
[345]“Pym, ”Alexander's Weekly Messenger(Philadelphia),Aug.22,1838,inTPL,253.
[346]Lisa Gitelman,“Arthur Gordon Pym and the Novel Narrative of Edgar Allan Poe, ”Nineteenth-Century Literature 47, no. 3 (1992): 349-61; Johan Wijkmark,“Poe'sPym and the Discourse of Antarctic Exploration, ”EAPR 10,no.3(2009):84-116.
[347]Poe,Pym,48 (page references toPym refer to the 1999 Penguin Classics edition, ed. Kopley). On the Exploring Expedition,see Nathaniel Philbrick,Sea of Glory:America's Voyage of Discovery:The U.S. Exploring Expedition,1838-1842(London:Penguin,2004);Sachs,Humboldt Current;William Stanton,The Great United States Exploring Expedition of 1838-42 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975).
[348]On Poe's multiple identities, see Daniel Hoffman,Poe, Poe, Poe, Poe, Poe, Poe, Poe (New York:Doubleday,1972).Pym's preface recalls Cervantes's jibes with Don Quixote in that novel's preface and has influenced the twentieth-century “metafictions” of Jorge Luis Borges, Julio Cortázar, and Paul Auster.
[349]Poe,Pym,7.
[350]同上，217。
[351]同上，219-21。
[352]同上，161。
[353]同上，220。On Poe and philology，见Rudoff “, ‘Written in Stone.'”。
[354]In his introduction to the Penguin edition ofPym,Kopley suggests that thePenguin's return was heralded by the “spirit of reflection” that penguins reveal by the nests they make in tandem with the albatross; on the“quincunx”form of these nests and their connection to Thomas Browne'sHydriotaphia,Urn-Burial;or,A Discourse of the Sepulchral Urns, Together with the Quincuncial Lozenge, or Network Plantations of the Ancients,Naturally,Artificially,Mystically Considered(London:Henry Brome,1658),see John T.Irwin,“The Quincuncial Network in Poe'sPym, ”inPoe's“Pym”:Critical Explorations,ed.Richard Kopley (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1992), 175-87.
[355]To note just a few of the book's contrasting interpretations:Pym has been seen as a“providential”tale of sin and redemption(Curtis Fukuchi,“Poe's ProvidentialNarrative of Arthur Gordon Pym, ”ESQ 27, no.3[1981]:147-56;Richard Kopley,“The‘Very Profound Undercurrent'ofArthur Gordon Pym, ”Studies in the American Renaissance[1987]:143-75),as well as a satire of providential literature(David Vance,“Poe/Defoe—Pym/Crusoe: Providential Indeterminacy inArthur Gordon Pym of Nantucket, ”EAPR 12, no. 2 [2011]: 64-78); the book's ending has been aligned with apocalyptic writing (David Ketterer,New Worlds for Old:The Apocalyptic Imagination,Science Fiction,and American Literature[Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1974]), and with mythical initiations including the Arthur legend's“reunion with the white goddess” (Carol Peirce and Alexander G. Rose III，“Poe's Reading of Myth: The White Vision of Arthur Gordon Pym, ”in Kopley,Poe's“Pym,”57-74),as well as myths of a departed race of southern giants(Kent Ljungquist,“Descent of the Titans:The Sublime Riddle ofArthur Gordon Pym, ”Southern Literary Journal 10,no.2[1978]:75-92).These“mythical”interpretations resonate with Jungian archetypal transformation (Barton Levi St. Armand，“The Dragon and the Uroboros: Themes of Metamorphosis in Arthur Gordon Pym, ”ATQ 37[1978]:57-72)and a Freudian“primal return to an amniotic paradise” (Frederick S. Frank，“The Gothic at Absolute Zero: Poe's Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym, ” Extrapolation 21, no. 1 [1980]: 21-30). The figures carved in Tsalal's chasms might be read as confirmation of Pym's providential mission, a biblical curse, or a racist allegory announcing the damnation of the African race (Rudoff，“‘Written in Stone'”). Alternatively, the Tsalal section has been read as a satire of racial assumptions (John C. Havard，“‘Trust to the Shrewdness and Common Sense of the Public':The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym as a Hoaxical Satire of Racist Epistemologies, ”inDeciphering Poe:Subtexts,Contexts,Subversive Meanings,ed.Alexandra Urakova[Bethlehem,Pa.:Lehigh University Press,2013],107-20),while Mat Johnson submitsPym's racial imagery to hilarious reconfigurations in his novel,Pym(New York:Spiegel&Grau,2011).According to J.Gerald Kennedy,Pym may be read as a “fable of misreading”：“As Pym's adventure recurrently demonstrates, interpretive efforts disclose only the‘hideous uncertainty'of all human truth”(“The Invisible Message:The Problem of Truth inPym, ”inThe Naiad Voice:Essays on Poe's Satiric Hoaxing,ed.Dennis W.Eddings[Port Washington,N.Y.:Associated Faculty Press, 1983], 124-35).
[356]John T. Irwin,American Hieroglyphics: The Symbol of the Egyptian Hieroglyphics in the American Renaissance(New Haven,Conn.:Yale University Press,1980).
[357]Poe,Pym,77．布鲁斯特的观点深根于18世纪的启蒙运动中：Hume'sNatural History of Religion和Adam Smith's “History of Astronomy”都认为惊人自然现象所引起的恐惧是第一批多神教的起源，但是Burke'sPhilosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful指出，专制者如何利用黑暗和阴影来使其臣民产生恐惧和敬畏之心(Edmund Burke,A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful[London:R.and J.Dodsley,1757];Peter Gay,The Enlightenment:An interpretation.Vol.1:The Rise of Modern Paganism(London:Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1967)。
[358]Thomas De Quincey,Confessions of an English Opium-Eater(London:Printed for Taylor and Hessey, 1822);Frances Wilson,Guilty Thing:A Life of Thomas De Quincey(New York:Farrar,Straus and Giroux, 2016).
[359]莱昂·杰克逊分析了坡“对印刷品的痴迷，从他对‘The Italics Are Mine’排版和排版错误的评论中可知尤是如此”；见his“Poe and Print Culture”and Hayes,Poe and the Printed Word,93-95;McGill,Culture of Reprinting。
[360]这一页的构图是为了暗示这些图像仅仅是幻象或是迫切需要解释的人工制品？如果是故意的，我们应该将其归功于爱伦·坡还是打字员？目前还没有发现关于《皮姆》的排版过程记录，但我查阅了哈珀兄弟出版公司1835—1838年出版的数百张扉页，没有一张和《皮姆》的扉页有相同的形式或视觉密度，尽管有一些扉页确实有些许相似之处，如Lyman Cobb'sNorth American Reader(1835)and David Hibbard's Treatise on Cow-Pox(1835);John Steuart'sBogotá in 1836-7(1838)，另一部旅行纪事，可能被视为具有可比性，也有上下视觉主题，但篇幅少得多。因为理查德·科普利，我还注意到一部旅行纪事，即詹姆斯·O．帕蒂的The Personal Narrative of James O. Pattie,of Kentucky(Cincinnati:John H.Wood,1831)，它的纪事背景和坡后期未完结小说The Journal of Julius Rodman非常相像。在帕蒂的这本书中，其扉页上半部分同样将一个长长的副标题文字聚成一个类似于船或碗的形状。完全有可能是坡看到了这本书，并指导《皮姆》的排版人员模仿这一做法；也有可能这些突显意图与艺术的标记是观众想象的产物——一种对有意设计存在与否的不确定性，《皮姆》自身就成了一个中心主题。
[361]《皮姆》的这种镜面结构得到了越来越多的阐述，详见Charles O'Donnell，“From Earth to Ether:Poe's Flight into Space, ”PMLA 77,no.1(1962):85-91;David Ketterer,“Devious Voyage:The Singular Narrative of A.Gordon Pym, ”ATQ 37(1978):21-33;Kopley,“‘Very Profound Under-current'”;all of these reject the claim of Pym's lack of order expressed in Joseph V. Ridgely and Iola S. Haverstick,“Chartless Voyage: The Many Narratives of Arthur Gordon Pym, ”Texas Studies in Literature and Language 8,no.1(1966):63-80。
[362]Max N?nny,“Chiasmus in Literature:Ornament or Function? , ”Word and Image 4,no.1(1988):51-59;William E.Engel,Early Modern Poetics in Melville and Poe:Memory,Melancholy,and the Emblematic Tradition(Burlington,Vt.:Ashgate,2012).
[363]John T. Irwin explicates“the network of images that Poe groups around the abyss”inAmerican Hieroglyphics,235.
[364]Poe,Pym,206.
[365]On Poe's optical technologies, see Saltz，“‘Eyes Which Behold'”; Sharp，“Poe's Chapters on ‘Natural Magic'”; William J. Scheick，“An Intrinsic Luminosity: Poe's Use of Platonic and Newtonian Optics, ” inAmerican Literature and Science,ed.Robert J.Scholnick(Lexington:University Press of Kentucky,1992), 77-93;Barbara Cantalupo,Poe and the Visual Arts(University Park:Pennsylvania State University Press, 2014), esp. “Poe's Visual Tricks, ” 103-22; John Tresch，“Estrangement of Vision: Edgar Allan Poe's Optics, ”inObserving Nature—Representing Experience,1800-1850,ed.Erna Fiorentini(Berlin:Reimer, 2007), 155-86.
[366]Poe,Pym,123.
[367]Christopher Herbert,Victorian Relativity:Radical Thought and Scientific Discovery(Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 2001)．这种对可逆性和“比较”价值的强调在很大程度上与达纳·纳尔逊的论点一致，即“虽然某一层面而言，《皮姆》是种族主义文本，但在另一层面上，该文本提供了一种反种族主义殖民意识形态和种族主义及科学知识结构的解读”，“破坏了殖民知识体系自诩的中立客观”。Dana D.Nelson,The Word in Black and White:Reading“Race”in American Literature, 1638-1867(Oxford:Oxford University Press,1992),92,107.
[368]《皮姆》将严谨结构、事实细节与需要大量阐释的文章结合在一起，对于批评家而言，这既有吸引力，又让人受挫。G. R. Thompson traces Poe's debts to Schlegel's notion of the unfinished “arabesque”novel in“The Arabesque Design ofArthur Gordon Pym”(in Kopley,Poe's“Pym, ”188-213)，其总结道：“除了大部分内容让人大吃一惊……还有《皮姆》自身叙事结构严谨且对称，所以产生了一种萦绕心头的模棱两可。”Pym“exemplifies Poe's method of resonant indeterminateness”(“Edgar Allan Poe and the Writers of the Old South, ”inColumbia Literary History of the United States, ed. Emory Elliott [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 274). For an epitome of the delirious pleasures of hyper-interpreting Poe, see David Ketterer，“ ‘Shudder': A Signature Cryptogram in ‘The Fall of the House of Usher, '”Resources for American Literary Study 25,no.2(1999):192-205.
[369]New York Morning Courier, July 30, 1838, in Burton R. Pollin,“Pym'sNarrative in the American Newspapers:More Uncollected Notices, ”PS 9,no.1(1978):11,8-9,inTPL,249.
[370]New York Gazette,July 30,1838,in Pollin,“American Newspapers, ”9,inTPL,249.
[371]New York New Era,Aug.1,1838,in Pollin,“American Newspapers, ”10,inTPL,250.
[372]关于对《皮姆》的认可度，以及那些“因受到其如恶作剧一般的内容冒犯的人”与那些“对其文学成就而印象深刻的人”之间的两极分化，详见Richard Kopley，“Readers Write: Nineteenth-Century Annotations in Copies of the First American Edition of Poe'sThe Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym,”Nineteenth-Century Literature 55,no.3(2000):399-408。
[373]George P.Putnam,“Leaves from a Publisher's Letterbook, ”Putnam's Magazine,Oct.1869,471,inTPL, 255.
