[649]Poe to Lowell,Feb.4,1843,in Ostrom,1:376-77,andTPL,397.
[650]“比如说，假设文人精英们秘密地联合起来……如果我们不通过这样的联合来保护自己，我们将被‘the Godeys,the Snowdens,etid genus omne’毫不留情地吞噬掉。”Poe to Lowell,March 30,1844, in Ostrom,1:432;Whalen,Poe and the Masses,38.
[651]Hawthorne,“The Hall of Fantasy, ”Pioneer,Feb.1843,inTPL,396.
[652]Thomas C.Clarke,ed.,American Pocket Library of Useful Knowledge,2nd ed.(Philadelphia:Griffith&Simon,1841);Poe,“Review of New Books, ”from inside rear paper wrapper ofGraham's,April 1842.
[653]Poe to Thomas,Feb.25,1843,in Ostrom,1:381,andTPL,399.
[654]Poe,“Prospectus for the Stylus, ”Saturday Museum,March 4,1843,3,inTPL,398．克拉克和坡与插图画家菲利克斯·达利达成了一项法律协议，每月最多可以画5幅画。TPL,395-96.
[655]Poe to John H.Mackenzie,early 1843,in Ostrom,1:398,andTPL,401.
[656]Poe to Thomas,Feb.25,1843,in Ostrom,1:381,andTPL,400.
[657]Poe to Robert Carter,March 7,1843,in Ostrom,1:384,andTPL,403.
[658]Thomas to Robert Tyler,March 8,1843,inTPL,403.
[659]Dow to Clarke,March 12,1843,inTPL,405-6.
[660]Poe to Clarke,March 11,1843,in Ostrom,1:386,inTPL,405.
[661]Dow to Clarke,March 12,1843,inTPL,405-6.
[662]John Hill Hewitt describes Poe ca.March 10,1843,inTPL,404.
[663]Thomas quoted in Whitty,“Memoir, ”xlvii,inTPL,405.
[664]Dow to Clarke,March 12,1843,inTPL,405-6.
[665]Poe to Thomas and Dow, March 16, 1843, in Ostrom, 1:388.
[666]Thomas to Poe,March 27,1843,inTPL,408.
[667]Robert Tyler to Blythe,March 31,1843,inTPL,409．坡在当年10月评论了罗伯特·泰勒的诗歌；鉴于他父亲在媒体上受到的吹捧和批评，坡宣称自己“绝对公正”，在指出缺点的同时，也赞扬了泰勒的美感。Poe, review of Death; or Medorus'Dream, by Robert Tyler,Graham's, Dec. 1843, 319-20.
[668]Spirit of the Times,March 16,1843,inTPL,407.
[669]Editorial by Poe,Saturday Museum,April 1,1843,inTPL,410.
[670]披屋，指正屋旁依墙所搭的小屋。——编者注
[671]Mayne Reid on Poe,ca.April 1843,in“A Dead Man Defended, ”Onward,April 1869,306,inTPL,409.
[672]Poe to Lowell,March 27,1843,in Ostrom,1:393-94,andTPL,408.
[673]Recollection from Anne E.C.Clarker,ca.1843,inTPL,445.
[674]T.D.English,“The Doom of the Drinker, ”inSaturday Museum,Dec.9,1843,inTPL,443.
[675]Wilmer to John Tomlin,May 20,1843;AHQ,401-2,andTPL,412.
[676]William Poe to Poe,June 15,1843,inTPL,415.
[677]Darley quoted in Woodberry,Life,2:2-3,andTPL,413.
[678]Reid,“Dead Man Defended, ”206-7,inTPL,410.
[679]Baltimore Sun,March 31,1843,inTPL,409.
[680]对《金甲虫》的赞誉（“一部巅峰之作”）的英文原文是“a capital story”，但capital的另一个意思是“资本”，因此这一句的实际意思是“美元、黄金和资本都是在人们心中萦绕的东西”。——译者注
[681]Terence Whalen,“The Code for Gold:Edgar Allan Poe and Cryptography, ”Representations 46(1994):35-57; Rosenheim,Cryptographic Imagination; J. Gerald Kennedy,Strange Nation: Literary Nationalism and Cultural Conflict in the Age of Poe(New York:Oxford University Press,2016),370-74;Marc Shell,Money,Language,and Thought:Literary and Philosophic Economies from the Medieval to the Modern Era(Berkeley:University of California Press,1982),8-22;Barton Levi St.Armand,“Poe's‘Sober Mystification':The Uses of Alchemy in‘The Gold-Bug, '”PS 4,no.1(1971):1-7.
[682]Clarke inSaturday Museum,July 8,1843,inTPL,424.
[683]Francis H. Duffee,“The‘Gold Bug'—a Decided Humbug, ”Daily Forum, June 27, 1843, inTPL, 419-20.
[684]That summer Lippard had published a serialized satire targeting Griswold and Graham，“The Spermaceti Papers, ”inCitizen Soldier,inTPL,413.Widespread loathing for Griswold is noted in Widmer,Young America, 1.
[685]George Lippard in Citizen Soldier,Nov.15,1843,inTPL,440.
[686]United States Gazette,Jan.8,1844,inTPL,441.
[687]Clarke inSaturday Museum,Nov.25,1843,inTPL,441-42.
[688]George Lippard inCitizen Soldier,Jan.10,1844,inTPL,448.
[689]Lowell to Poe,March 6,1844,inTPL,454.
[690]George Lippard inCitizen Soldier,Nov.15,1843,inTPL,441.
[691]该活动以及该机构的历史、成员和主题，详见Bulletin of the National Institute for the Promotion of Science,vol.1(Washington,D.C.:P.Force,1841)and analyzed in Kohlstedt,“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity in the United States, ” quotation from 358; George B. Goode，“The Genesis of the United States National Museum, ”Smithsonian Annual Report for 1897,vol.2(Washington,D.C.:Smithsonian Institution, 1901)。
[692]Bulletin of the National Institute,430-34.
[693]Daily National Intelligencer,April 2,1844,3;Bulletin of the National Institute,Ingersoll on 424.
[694]Responses in Kohlstedt，“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity, ” 356.
[695]Henry to Torrey,March 27,1844,inPapers of Joseph Henry,6:62,in Kohlstedt，“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity, ” 354n78.
[696]James Smithson,in Heather Ewing,The Lost World of James Smithson:Science,Revolution,and the Birth of the Smithsonian(New York:Bloomsbury Publishing USA,2007),344.
[697]这篇文章分两部分出现（1840年1月和3月），显然是由南方主要的奴隶制捍卫者之一贝弗利·塔克所写。这篇文章可以被解读为支持奴隶制的政客为了扩大他们对政府的控制，赞助科学事业和海军投资——这是内战前采取战略的一部分。TheSouthern Literary Messenger gave a platform to southern naval promoters including Paulding and Maury (and, arguably, Reynolds, whose planned expedition was taken up by Poinsett,below);Matthew Karp,This Vast Southern Empire:Slaveholders at the Helm of American Foreign Policy(Cambridge,Mass.:Harvard University Press,2016).
[698]Poe,“Chapter on Science and Art, ”Burton's,March 1840,149-50.
[699]华盛顿自1816年起就有一个科学协会——哥伦布研究所，但到了19世纪30年代，它几乎已经不存在了。
[700]Alexis de Tocqueville,“On the Use That the Americans Make of Association in Civil Life, ”inDemocracy in America,ed.and trans.Harvey C.Mansfield and Delba Winthrop(1835-40;Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 2000), 489-92．除了多个工人协会、合作社和辛迪加之外，1839年还成立了美国艺术联盟，1847年成立了美国医学协会。
[701]Torrey to Henry,Nov.9,1838,Gray MSS,Gray Herbarium,Harvard University,in Kohlstedt,Formation of the American Scientific Community,50-51.
[702]Karp,Vast Southern Empire;Walter Johnson,River of Dark Dreams:Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom(Cambridge,Mass.:Harvard University Press),293-302.
[703]Stanton,Exploring Expedition,306;Philbrick,Sea of Glory.
[704]Kohlstedt，“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity, ” 344.
[705]The institute's planners declared，“We may not compete with the British Association.” “First Circular, Respecting Meetings of Scientific and Literary Men in the United States, ”Bulletin of the National Institute, Oct. 15, 1842, 421.
[706]美国地质学家协会是在马萨诸塞州调研主任及阿默斯特学院院长爱德华·希区柯克的推动下成立的；爱德华·希区柯克认为自己与其他地质学家脱节；他们决定每年在不同的城市开会，1840年因为亨利·达尔文·罗杰斯，会议在富兰克林学院召开。起初，他们禁止任何“不以科学观点和目标致力于地质研究”的人加入，但1843年，在由塞缪尔·莫顿担任主席的波士顿会议上，他们在名称中加入了“和博物学家”；见Kohlstedt,Formation of the American Scientific Community,67。
[707]Bache to Loomis, March 7, 1844, Loomis MSS, BYA, in Kohlstedt，“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity, ”354n78．来自纽约的蒸汽工程师和气象学家威廉·雷德菲尔德担心研究所的设计“可能会有意无意地干扰”AAGN的会议；他选择不参加(Redfield, Nov. 21, 1842, in Kohlstedt，“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity, ” 356n54)；有43位被邀请者拒绝了邀请，详见“Replies to Circulars, ” Markoe's journal in Rhees MSS, Huntington Library, and Kohlstedt，“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity, ” 358n100。
[708]Dana to Spencer F. Baird, May 19, 1844, Baird MSS, SIA, in Kohlstedt，“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity, ” 360n110.
[709]Bache to Lloyd,Nov.30,1838,box 2,vol.1,Bache Papers,in Jansen,Alexander Dallas Bache,203.
[710]Bache, Address to Washington Philosophical Society, 1871, in Kohlstedt，“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity, ” 362n121.
[711]Dana to A. A. Gould, April 11, 1844, Gould MSS, Houghton Library, Harvard, in Kohlstedt，“Step Toward Scientific Self-Identity, ” 359.
[712]Henry to Bache,inPapers of Joseph Henry,6:76,in Jansen,Alexander Dallas Bache,207.
[713]Bache，“The Wants of Science in the United States” (1844), MSS, forensically deciphered by Jansen, inAlexander Dallas Bache,227-28.
[714]Henry in Moyer,Joseph Henry,227.
[715]同上，228。
[716]Arthur Molella，“At the Edge of Science: Joseph Henry, ‘Visionary Theorizers, ' and the Smithsonian Institution, ”Annals of Science 41,no.5(1984):445-61.
[717]Henry to Morse,Feb.24,1842,inPapers of Joseph Henry,5:150-51.
[718]Henry in Moyer,Joseph Henry,231.
[719]同上，228。
[720]James Rodger Fleming,Fixing the Sky:The Checkered History of Weather and Climate Control(New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 54-58.
[721]Bache,Henry,Peirce,and Adams,quoted in Peter Moore,The Weather Experiment:The Pioneers Who Sought to See the Future(New York:Farrar,Straus and Giroux,2015),137-39；关于埃斯皮与威廉·雷德菲尔德长期存在的冲突，见James Fleming,Meteorology in America,1800-1870(Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), 23-54。
[722]Poe,“Marginalia, ”Graham's,Dec.1846;M183,inThe Collected Writings of Edgar Allan Poe,Vol.II:The Brevities,ed.Burton R.Pollin(New York:Gordian Press,1985),309.
[723]John Collins Warren of the APS to William Horner,Nov.20,1838,APS Archives,in Kohlstedt,Formation of the American Scientific Community,50.
[724]See page 121 above;Moyer,Joseph Henry,225-27.
[725]关于拉德纳在英国的职业生涯，见Jo N.Hays,“The Rise and Fall of Dionysius Lardner, ”Annals of Science 38,no.5(1981):527-42。关于英国的公共科学，见Bernard Lightman,Victorian Popularizers of Science:Designing Nature for New Audiences(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,2009);Morus,Frankenstein's Children;Hsiang-Fu Huang,“A Shared Arena:The Private Astronomy Lecturing Trade and Its Institutional Counterpart in Britain,1817-1865, ”Notes and Records:The Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 72,no.3(2018):319-41。拉德纳在美国的职业生涯和光学技术在以下文章中得到了有益的追溯：Kentwood D. Wells，“Dionysius Lardner: Popular Science Showman of the 1840s, ”Magic Lantern Gazette 29,no.1(2017):3-17; Anna Louise Martin,Villain of Steam:A Life of Dionysius Lardner(1793-1859)(Carlow,Ireland:Tyndall Scientific,2015)。
[726]New York Weekly Herald,Nov.27,1841,in Wells,“Lardner, ”5.
[727]Gloucester Telegraph,Nov.24,1841,2,in Wells,“Lardner, ”5.
[728]Henry to Torrey,Dec.20,1841,inPapers of Joseph Henry,5:132-33.
[729]Poe,“Three Sundays in a Week, ”first published as“A Succession of Sundays, ”Saturday Evening Post, 12, no. 1061, Nov. 27, 1841, 1.
[730]David Meredith Reese,Humbugs of New-York, Being a Remonstrance Against Popular Delusion, Whether in Science,Philosophy,or Religion(New York:Taylor,1838),21;on Reese's ornery character，见Fabian,Skull Collectors。
[731]同上，210。
[732]同上，144。
[733]贝奇对他所信奉的圣公会主义基本保持沉默，而长老会成员亨利则告诉学生，物理科学“为造物主的恩惠、智慧和力量提供了最有力证明”(in Moyer,Joseph Henry,141)。本杰明·皮尔斯是一位虔诚的一神论者，他曾在一次数学证明后的演讲中大声喊道：“先生们，肯定有上帝！” (in Edward Hogan,Of the Human Heart:A Biography of Benjamin Peirce[Bethlehem,Pa.:Lehigh University Press, 2008], 284)
[734]Fabian,Skull Collectors;Stanton,Leopard's Spots;Rusert,Fugitive Science．关于内战初期涉及亨利的一个插曲就是他拒绝让弗雷德里克·道格拉斯在史密森尼博物馆演讲，详见Michael F. Conlin，“The Smithsonian Abolition Lecture Controversy: The Clash of Antislavery Politics with American Science in Wartime Washington, ”Civil War History 46,no.4(2000):301-23。
[735]Hogan,Human Heart,203-9.In the 1850s，当亨利和贝奇邀请皮尔斯在华盛顿演讲时，皮尔斯坚持要做两个关于彗星的演讲和两个“关于人类不同种族和民族的各种数学能力”的演讲；他们引导他讨论“种族的多样性，‘但不是种族的劣等性’” (同上，211)。
[736]Edward Lurie,Louis Agassiz:A Life in Science(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1960),258-71;Gould,Mismeasure of Man,74-82.
[737]On Bache and Henry sidelining race science in the AAAS,particularly after 1850，见Kohlstedt,Formation of the American Scientific Community,111-14;chapter 15 below.
[738]Henry,Papers of Joseph Henry,6:16.
[739]Peirce, Cambridge, Nov. 28, 1843, A. D. Bache Papers, series RU 7053, box 5 Coast Survey, Lighthouse Board, Papers, Reports, box 3, 2, Incoming Correspondence, Smithsonian Institution Archives.
[740]Henry to James Henry,Jan.1844,Papers of Joseph Henry,6:15-16；关于自然哲学教科书，见W. H. C. Bartlett of West Point to Joseph Henry, March 1, 1844, cited in Charles I. Weiner，“Joseph Henry's Lectures on Natural Philosophy: Teaching and Research in Physics, 1832-1847” (PhD diss., Case Institute of Technology, 1965), 56。
[741]关于在贝奇的水文学、莫里的海洋学、帝国扩张和洪堡的全球科学之间的关联，见Michael Reidy and Helen Rozwadowski,“The Spaces in Between:Science,Ocean,Empire, ”Isis 105,no.2(2014):338-51；关于在贝奇领导下的调查探测情况，见Slotten, Jansen, and Daniel Kevles，“Practical Pressures and Scientific Payoffs:A Long View of Knowledge and Utility in Federal Research, ”Social Research:An International Quarterly 84,no.3(2017):561-82。
[742]Bache to Elias Loomis, Dec. 13, 1843, both NR II roll S, Record Unit 7470, Reingold Papers, SIA, in Jansen,Alexander Dallas Bache,199.
[743]利用实地调查和考察作为科学培训的途径，已经由以下几人研发出来：Colby in Ireland, Everest in India,and De la Beche in the British Geological Survey，见Rachel Hewitt,Map of a Nation:A Biography of the Ordnance Survey(London:Granta,2011);Matthew Edney,Mapping an Empire:The Geographical Construction of British India,1765-1843(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,2009);James Secord,“The Geological Survey of Great Britain as a Research School,1839-1855, ”History of Science 24,no.3 (1986): 223-75。
[744]Joseph Henry,“Memoir of Joseph Saxton:1799-1873, ”inBiographical Memoirs(Washington,D.C.:National Academy of Science, 1877), 219-316; on Saxton's improvements to barometers, pyrometers, standard lengths, divided angles, and a device to measure tides automatically，见同上，308-14。
[745]Slotten,Patronage,119.
[746]Dupree,Science in the Federal Government,104.
[747]Playbill, Dec. 24, 1843, McAllister Collection, vol. 19, p. 68, Library Company of Philadelphia.
[748]Thomas Ollive Mabbott,“Poe and Dr.Lardner, ”American Notes and Queries 3,no.8(1943):117.
[749]Poe,“Marginalia, ”SLM 15,no.6(June 1849);M226,in Pollin,Brevities,336.In the first installment of“Marginalia, ” Poe tore into Lardner's unoriginal and “metaphysical” discussion of the apparent size of the sun, a discussion that informs his tale “The Sphinx”; he later made use of Lardner's anecdotes about inventions in “The Thousand-and-Second Tale of Scheherazade”; Mabbott，“Poe and Dr. Lardner, ”115-16;Poe,“Marginalia, ”United States Magazine and Democratic Review,Nov.1844;M38,in Pollin,Brevities,143-48.
[750]Allen,Poe and the British Magazine Tradition.J·拉尔德·肯尼迪称，坡“一直在研究创造一个能够同时满足大众和批评家口味的单一文学文本的可能性”。AHistorical Guide to Edgar Allan Poe, ed. J. Gerald Kennedy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 67. The tension between the two targeted audiences is central to Elmer,Reading at the Social Limit,and Whalen,Poe and the Masses.
[751]Poe to Philip P. Cooke, Aug. 9, 1846, in Ostrom, 2:595. On Poe's self-referential clues, see Louis Renza,“Poe's Secret Autobiography, ”inThe American Renaissance Reconsidered,ed.Walter Benn Michaels (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), 58-89; the ever-expanding decipherments of Poe's allusions by Poe scholars—among the most tireless of them,the late Burton R.Pollin,as inDiscoveries in Poe(Notre Dame,Ind.:University of Notre Dame Press,1970).
[752]Poe,review ofA Brief Account of the Discoveries and Results of the United States Exploring Expedition,Graham's,Sept.1843,164-65.
[753]这一可怕的事件以及其他同样令人不安的事情记述在Fabian,Skull Collectors；见T.D.Stewart,“The Skull of Vendovi: A Contribution of the Wilkes Expedition to the Physical Anthropology of Fiji, ”Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 13,no.2/3(1978):204-14,and Adrienne Kaeppler,“Two Polynesian Repatriation Enigmas at the Smithsonian Institution, ”Journal of Museum Ethnography 17 (2005): 152-62。
