[1080]Leo Marx,The Machine in the Garden:Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America(New York:Oxford University Press,1964);William Cronon,Nature's Metropolis:Chicago and the Great West(New York:W. W. Norton, 2009).
[1081]Poe,Flag of Our Union,June 9,1849,2.
[1082]Laura Saltz's “ ‘Eyes Which Behold'”强调了这个故事对视觉物质性的诉求，提到了布鲁斯特(Brewster)的立体镜；虽然这种技术在坡去世后才开始普及，但他对透视画、叠化以及其他依赖眼球生理学的光学设备等实质过程的认识证实了她确实读过坡的书；关于另一种美学谱系，详见Catherine Rainwater,“Poe's Landscape Tales and the‘Picturesque'Tradition, ”Southern Literary Journal 16,no.2(1984):30-43。
[1083]Cantalupo,Poe and the Visual Arts;Wallach,“Voyage of Life as Popular Art”; Joy S. Kasson,“The Voyage of Life: Thomas Cole and Romantic Disillusionment, ”American Quarterly 27, no. 1 (1975):42-56;on Humboldtian and panoramic aspects of U.S.landscape painting，见Jennifer Raab,Frederic Church:The Art and Science of Detail(New Haven,Conn.:Yale University Press,2015)。
[1084]E. W. Pitcher puts “Arnheim” into dialogue with the protracted phenomenology of death that Poe detailed in “The Colloquy of Monos and Una, ”with “Arnheim” an anagram of “NEAR HIM”，暗示它的旅程象征着从生到死，到被释放或重生到神圣天堂之前的一段漫长“沉睡期”。E. W. Pitcher，“The Arnheim Trilogy:Cosmic Landscapes in the Shadow of Poe'sEureka, ”Canadian Review of American Studies 6,no.1(1975):27-35.
[1085]Sean Moreland, ed.,The Lovecraftian Poe: Essays on Influence, Reception, Interpretation, and Transformation(Lanham,Md.:Rowman&Littlefield,2017).
[1086]Dayan,Fables of Mind,104.
[1087]Philadelphia Saturday Courier,July 25,1846,inTPL,659.
[1088]Poe to Shew, Jan. 29, 1847, in Ostrom, 2:617-18.
[1089]Shew to J.H.Ingram,March 28,1875,inTPL,684.
[1090]Obituary inDaily Tribune and New York Herald,Feb.1,1847,inTPL,685.
[1091]Poe to Locke,March 10,1847,in Ostrom,2:624,andTPL,684.
[1092]The MS is held by the New York Public Library, Rare Books Room; Victor H. Palsits，“Two Manuscripts in the New York Public Library—Part I:The Manuscript of Poe's‘Eulalie, '”Bulletin of the New York Public Library 18(Dec.1914):1462.
[1093]Shew to J.H.Ingram,Jan.23,1875,inTPL,694.
[1094]Poe,“Ulalume, ”in LOA,89,inTPL,714;Allen,Israfel,2:735.
[1095]此段译文选用了余光中的译本。——译者注
[1096]Mary Bronson,reminiscence from 1860,quoted in Carroll D.Laverty,“Poe in 1847, ”American Literature 20,no.2(1948):165-66,inTPL,700.
[1097]此段译文选用了阮一峰的译本，本文译者改动了一个字。——译者注
[1098]Poe,“A Dream Within a Dream, ”Flag of Our Union,March 31,1849,and in LOA,97-98.
[1099]Henry,quoted in diary of John R.Buhler,March 3,1846,inPapers of Joseph Henry,6:282.
[1100]Review of Cosmos,by Humboldt,Broadway Journal,July 12,1845,14-15,in Scholnick,Poe's“Eureka, ”75-76.
[1101]Agassiz,in Lurie,Agassiz,128;Scholnick“,Eureka in Context, ”38-39.
[1102]Bruce,Launching of American Science,43-63.Peirce,Henry,Agassiz,and Bache,the PHAB four of the emerging scientific establishment, had got the band together.
[1103]Boston Daily Journal,Sept.25,1847,clippings in Coll 305 A+B I-II Assn.Amer.Geologists&Naturalists Papers, 1840-47, Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia.
[1104]Kohlstedt,Formation of the American Scientific Community,76;Lurie,Agassiz;Bruce,Launching of American Science.
[1105]John Fuller,Thor's Legions: Weather Support to the U.S.Air Force and Army, 1937-1987 (Boston:American Meteorological Society, 2015), 2.
[1106]Bache to Peirce, Dec. 3, 1846, Peirce Papers, Houghton Library, Harvard University, in Molella，“At the Edge of Science, ” 451.
[1107]“The Planet Neptune, ”inAmerican Review:A Whig Journal of Politics,Literature,Art,and Science 6, no. 2 (Aug. 1847): 145.
[1108]关于皮尔斯在海王星发现不断变化的辩论中的作用，详见John G. Hubbell and Robert W. Smith,“Neptune in America:Negotiating a Discovery, ”Journal for the History of Astronomy 23,no.4(1992):270;the episode is narrated in Hogan,“Hurrah for Young America, ”inOf the Human Heart,15-25。
[1109]Gray to Peirce,March 26,1848,in R.C.Archibald,“The Writings of Peirce, ”American Mathematical Monthly 32(1925):22;Hubbell and Smith,“Neptune in America, ”284.On Mitchel's popular science，见Russell McCormmach,“Ormsby MacKnight Mitchel's‘Sidereal Messenger, '1846-1848, ”Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 110,no.1(1966):35-47;Scholnick,“Eureka in Context”。海王星颇具争议的发现引起了关于流行娱乐和既定科学权威之间关系的笑谈：New York'sYankee Doodle printed a letter from a“Professor of Astronomy and Celestial Trigonometry”at Columbia University，询问有关照亮纽约南部天空的“新行星”的信息；编辑将其命名为“巴纳姆行星”——“毫无疑问这是一颗最具潜力的行星”，“孕育了许多奇特生物”，包括Joice Heth, the Feejee Mermaid, and Tom Thumb。美国博物馆的聚光灯改变了夜空，就像海王星的变幻莫测聚焦照亮了官方科学内部的裂痕一样。“The New Planet, ”Yankee Doodle,Jan.1,1847,153.
[1110]Bond to President Everett,Sept.22,1847,inAmerican Journal of Science and Arts 54(1847):426-27;Bessie Zaban Jones and Lyle Gifford Boyd,The Harvard College Observatory(Cambridge,Mass.:Belknap Press, 1971), 67-68.
[1111]Peirce,inBoston Daily Journal,Sept.22,1847．他后来又接受了这个理论。他的儿子查尔斯后来发展了自己的渐进式宇宙论，其中甚至包括自然法则的演变。C. S. Peirce，“The Doctrine of Necessity Examined, ”Monist 2,no.3(1892):321-37;C.S.Peirce,“Evolutionary Love, ”Monist 3,no.2(1893):176-200.
[1112]Henry to Elias Loomis, Dec. 28, 1848, Loomis MSS, Beinecke Library, Yale University, in Kohlstedt,Formation of the American Scientific Community,76.
[1113]Poe to George W. Eveleth, Jan. 4, 1848, in Ostrom, 2:640.
[1114]Poe to Chapin, Jan. 17, 1848, in Ostrom, 2:644.
[1115]Announcement inJohn-Donkey,Feb.3,1848,inTPL,719.
[1116]Weekly Universe,Feb.6,1848,inTPL,722.For a firm historical contextualization ofEureka，见Scholnick,“Eureka in Context”;settingEureka within the age's growing opposition between literature and science，见Laura Saltz,“Making Sense of Eureka, ”in Kennedy and Peeples,Oxford Handbook,424-44,and Limon,Place of Fiction。
[1117]Morning Expres s,Feb.4,1848,inTPL,721.
[1118]Poe,Eureka,7;this and subsequent citations are from the critical edition ofEureka,ed.Stuart Levine and Susan F. Levine (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2004)．坡将他的演讲经过一些修改，印为《尤里卡》；关于讲稿与其印刷形式的关系，详见Ronald W. Nelson，“Apparatus for a Definitive Edition of Poe'sEureka, ”Studies in the American Renaissance (1978): 161-205。For sharp and revealing commentary，见Barbara Cantalupo,“Eureka:Poe's‘Novel Universe, '”in Carlson,Companion to Poe Studies,323-44;Levine and Levine,Eureka;Beaver,Science Fiction。
[1119]Poe,Eureka, 7-8．关于贯穿爱伦·坡作品的矛盾性观点，详见Henri Justin,“An Impossible Aesthetics or an Aesthetics of the Impossible? ”in Kopley and Argersinger,Poe Writing/Writing Poe, 127-42。
[1120]将坡置于19世纪中期关于方法论的辩论中，详见Susan Welsh，“The Value of Analogical Evidence:Poe'sEureka in the Context of a Scientific Debate, ”Modern Language Studies 21,no.4(1991):3-15。
[1121]1830年出版了一本关于开普勒的传记作品，十分著名。John Elliot Drinkwater Bethune,The Life of Galileo Galilei, with Illustrations of the Advancement of Experimental Philosophy; Life of Kepler (London, 1830).
[1122]Poe,Eureka,15-16.
[1123]同上，24。
[1124]同上，28。这些是物质表现给心灵的“唯一属性”——这一主张与康德在其早期想法相呼应，widely readMetaphysical Principles of Natural Philosophy and of Roger Boscovich，他认为，物质原子是正负能量点。Thomas Holden,The Architecture of Matter:Galileo to Kant(Oxford:Oxford University Press, 2004), 236-72.
[1125]随后(Eureka,56)关于太阳系形成的阐述与《遗迹》一致，《遗迹》一开始认为星云已经遍布整个宇宙——尽管坡补充说新发现的海王星是我们系统中最遥远的行星。
[1126]Poe,Eureka,27-28．对坡而言，更多的异质性意味着更多的生命、意识、智慧。
[1127]同上，102-3。
[1128]G.R.Thompson,“Unity,Death,and Nothingness:Poe's‘Romantic Skepticism, '”PMLA 85,no.2(1970):297-300.
[1129]Poe,Eureka,103.
[1130]同上，103-4。
[1131]同上，104。
[1132]同上，104。
[1133]同上，102。
[1134]同上，106。John Limon (“How to Place Poe's Arthur Gordon Pym in Science-Dominated Intellectual History and How to Extract It Again, ”North Dakota Quarterly 51[1983]:31-47)suggests a debt to theNaturphilosophie of Lorenz Oken:“没有死的物质；它通过存在于其中的永恒而活着……一切都是上帝，上帝就在那；没有上帝，就绝对没有一切”。Alfred Tulk's translation of Oken appeared in London in 1847(Elements of Physiophilosophy[London:Ray Society,1847],38).Limon notes another popular treatment ofNaturphilosophie: J. B. Stallo, General Principles of the Philosophy of Nature:With an Outline of Some of Its Recent Developments Among the Germans, Embracing the Philosophical Systems of Schelling and Hegel,and Oken's System of Nature(Boston:William Crosby and H.P.Nichols, 1848).Courtney Fugate,“The German Cosmological Tradition and Poe'sEureka, ”EAPR 13,no.2(2012):109-34.
[1135]On the metaphysical import of figures of self-reference and recursion inEureka，见Ruth M.Harrison“, Poe M?bius:An Exploration of Poe's Fractal Universe, ”PS 36,no.1(2003):32-44。
[1136]“Spes Credula, ”Morning Express,Feb.9,1848,inTPL,722.
[1137]Field,Memories of Many Men, 224;TPL, 720. Barbara Cantalupo links the“involution of idea”inEureka's argument and form with the rhetoric and effect of a mesmeric trance in“Of or Pertaining to a Higher Power:Involution inEureka, ”ATQ 4,no.2(1990):81-95.
[1138]Poe,Eureka,83.
[1139]同上，78。
[1140]OnEureka's punctuation，见Dayan,Fables of Mind,55-56;Cantalupo“, Novel Universe, ”338。
[1141]Cantalupo,“Of or Pertaining to a Higher Power”;onEureka's“kinetic design, ”见Jennie Chu Seo-Young,“Hypnotic Ratiocination, ”EAPR 6,no.1(2005):5-19。
[1142]Loomis,American Journal of Science and Arts 5(Jan. 1848): 135-36, 153;Anton Pannekoek,“The Discovery of Neptune, ”Centaurus 3,no.1(1953):126-37.
[1143]Nichol,Views of Astronomy,32;Frederick W.Conner,“Poe&John Nichol:Notes on a Source ofEureka, ”inAll These to Teach: Essays in Honor of C.A. Robertson, ed. Robert A. Bryan et al. (Gainesville:University of Florida Press, 1965); Thomas De Quincey，“System of the Heavens as Revealed by Lord Rosse's Telescopes, ”Eclectic Magazine of Foreign Literature,Oct.1846,9,2.
[1144]Poe,Eureka,67．坡回忆说，两年前有一封“据说是尼克尔博士写的”信，“在我们的报纸上转了一圈”，暗示尼克尔正在考虑放弃这一假设，but it remained prominent in his 1848 New York lectures,Views of Astronomy,39-42。
[1145]Poe,Eureka, 15. Poe admired Whewell'sBridgewater Treatise above the rest of the series;Eureka's notion of “consistency” recalls Whewell's confirmation criteria: prediction, consilience, and coherence, inPhilosophy of the Inductive Sciences,Founded upon Their History,2 vols.(London:John W.Parker, 1840); Laura Snyder,“Renovating theNovum Organum: Bacon, Whewell, and Induction, ”Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 30,no.4(1999):531-57;Henry Cowles,“The Age of Methods:William Whewell,Charles Peirce,and Scientific Kinds, ”Isis 107,no.4(2016):722-37.
[1146]Poe,Eureka,89.
[1147]同上，54。
[1148]In an appendix to theNinth Bridgewater Treatise，巴贝奇回顾说，自牛顿以来，哲学家们“偶尔会猜测存在某种更全面的规律，而重力本身就是这种规律的结果”(179)。
[1149]Poe,Eureka,89;Barbara Cantalupo,“Preludes toEureka:Poe's‘Absolute Reciprocity of Adaptation'in‘Shadow'and‘The Power of Words, '”Poe Studies/Dark Romanticism 29,no.1(1996):17-21.
[1150]Poe,Eureka,64-65．在水星轨道内形成的新行星可能带来“陆地表面的新变化”，从而产生“在物质和精神上都比人类优越的种族” (同上，65)。
[1151]Edward Robert Harrison,Darkness at Night: A Riddle of the Universe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987); P. S. Wesson，“Olbers' Paradox in Astronomy: History, Nature, and Resolution, ”Science Progress(1989):133-46;Stanley Jaki,The Paradox of Olbers'Paradox(New York:Herder and Herder, 1972).
[1152]Poe,Eureka, 75. The Levines'edition ofEureka discusses Nichol's use of Olbers, 150n181; Stamos compellingly argues that “Poe's solution to Olbers's paradox is the key to understanding the science of Poe's cosmology inEureka”(Edgar Allan Poe,“Eureka,”and Scientific Imagination,217).
[1153]Poe,Eureka,104.
[1154]关于印度教或佛教可能带来的影响，详见Carol Maddison,“Poe'sEureka, ”Texas Studies in Literature and Language 2, no. 3 (1960): 366-67; Alan Hodder,“Asian Influences, ”in Myerson, Petrulionis,and Walls,Oxford Handbook of Transcendentalism,27-37;David Schmit,“The Mesmerists Inquire About‘Oriental Mind Powers':West Meets East in the Search for the Universal Trance, ”Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 46,no.1(2010):1-26。
[1155]Erasmus Darwin,The Botanic Garden:A Poem in Two Parts Containing the Economy of Vegetation (London:Jones,1825),62,cited and discussed in Scholnick,Poe's“Eureka, ”61-71.
[1156]Sean Moreland，“Some Power Unseen, ” unpublished MS.
[1157]Poe，“Mystery of Marie Rogêt, ” 198.
[1158]尽管传达了令人欣慰的信息，坡的周期性愿景与孔多塞、边沁、普里斯特利、孔德和许多19世纪的历史哲学家所认为的向上进步的观点不同。
[1159]《尤里卡》中的神学信息对当时的读者而言很重要，尽管如今不受重视，详见exceptionally Marilynne Robinson,“On Edgar Allan Poe, ”New York Review of Books,Feb.5,2015,4-6;and Harry Lee Poe,Evermore:Edgar Allan Poe and the Mystery of the Universe(Waco,Tex.:Baylor University Press, 2012)。《尤里卡》的背景不仅包括浪漫主义和激进科学，还包括围绕《遗迹》展开的关于无神论、神论和自愿主义的讨论；其泛神论与有关歌德、斯宾诺莎、谢林和黑格尔以及他们的评论家柯尔律治、卡莱尔和爱默生的讨论产生了共鸣。Tracey Matysik，“Spinozist Monism:Perspectives from Within and Without the Monist Movement, ”inMonism, ed. T. H. Weir (New York:Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 107-34; Pierre Macherey，“Un chapitre de l'histoire du panthéisme: La religion Saint-Simonienne et la réhabilitation de la matière, ”inPhilosophie de la nature,ed.Olivier Bloch (Paris: Publication de la Sorbonne, 2000), 357-66; on the tensions and public transformations of public religion, see John Lardas Modern,Secularism in Antebellum America(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011).
[1160]玛丽·路易斯·休的朋友，神学学生小约翰·亨利·霍普金斯回忆道：“我尽我所能，劝说他省略最后对泛神论的大胆声明，因为这对讲座的完整性和美感来说无关紧要。但我很快就发现，那是整个讲座中他最喜欢的部分；然后我们就泛神论的问题进行了相当多讨论。有时，他的语气和举止都很平静，尽管随着我们讨论的展开而慢慢发生变化；直到最后，他苍白瘦弱的脸庞和宽阔的眉毛上闪过一丝轻蔑，一种傲气，就像弥尔顿笔下的撒旦一样；一种奇异激动瞬间让他瘦小的身躯紧绷，又放松了。他感叹道：‘我的天性对宇宙中存在比我更高的存在这一想法十分反感！’当时我就知道，进一步争论是没有用的。”Hopkins to Shew,Feb.9,1873,inTPL,731.
[1161]关于坡的分离与结合模式的心理和历史层面，详见J. James Livingston，“Subjectivity and Slavery in Poe's Autobiography of Ambitious Love, ”Psychohistory Review 21,no.2(1993):175-96。
[1162]W.C.Harris,“Edgar Allan Poe'sEureka and the Poetics of Constitution, ”American Literary History 12, no. 1/2 (2000): 1-40; Greeson，“Poe's 1848”; Susan Manning，“ ‘The Plots of God Are Perfect':Poe's Eureka and American Creative Nihilism, ”Journal of American Studies 23,no.2(1989):235-51;Matthew Taylor,Universes Without Us:Posthuman Cosmologies in American Literature(Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press, 2013).
[1163]Poe to George W. Eveleth, Feb. 29, 1848, in Ostrom, 2:650.
[1164]Poe,“Fifty Suggestions(Part I), ”Graham's,May 1849,317-19.
[1165]Freeman Hunt,Hunt's Merchants'Magazine,Aug.1848,inTPL,747.
[1166]Brooklyn Daily Eagle,July 31,1848.
[1167]Nathaniel Willis,“Mr.Poe's Eureka, ”New York Home Journal,Aug.12,1848,3,inTPL,746-51.
[1168]Daily Tribune,Aug.3,1848,inTPL,751.
[1169]New Church Repository,Aug.1848,inTPL,748.
[1170]John H.Hopkins,review ofEureka,by Poe,Literary World,July 29,1848,inTPL,745-46.
[1171]T.D.English,John-Donkey,Aug.12,1848,inTPL,752.
[1172]Welsh，“Value of Analogical Evidence.”
[1173]Boston Journal,Feb.12,1848,inTPL,724.
[1174]奥姆斯比·米歇尔似乎是这种职业化转变的一个例外——一个专业天文学家，因其机构而颇有名气，同时也进行一些受欢迎的讲座，然而，米歇尔1847年的讲座正是为了赚取资金重建他的机构即辛辛那提天文台，该机构在一场大火中被毁。Robert Scholnick，“ ‘The Password Primeval':Whitman's Use of Science in‘Song of Myself, '”Studies in the American Renaissance(1986):385-425.
