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作者:美-纳西姆·尼古拉斯·塔勒布/译者:万丹 当前章节:15365 字 更新时间:2026-6-15 20:55

you need is one single (and, I am told, quite ugly) black bird.*

I push one step beyond this philosophical-logical question into an empirical

reality, and one that has obsessed me since childhood. What we call

here a Black Swan (and capitalize it) is an event with the following three

attributes.

First, it is an outlier, as it lies outside the realm of regular expectations,

because nothing in the past can convincingly point to its possibility. Second,

it carries an extreme impact. Third, in spite of its outlier status,

* The spread of camera cell phones has afforded me a large collection of pictures of

black swans sent by traveling readers. Last Christmas I also got a case of Black

Swan Wine (not my favorite), a videotape (I don't watch videos), and two books.

I prefer the pictures.

xviii PROLOGUE

human nature makes us concoct explanations for its occurrence after the

fact, making it explainable and predictable.

I stop and summarize the triplet: rarity, extreme impact, and retrospective

(though not prospective) predictability.* A small number of Black

Swans explain almost everything in our world, from the success of ideas

and religions, to the dynamics of historical events, to elements of our

own personal lives. Ever since we left the Pleistocene, some ten millennia

ago, the effect of these Black Swans has been increasing. It started accelerating

during the industrial revolution, as the world started getting more

complicated, while ordinary events, the ones we study and discuss and

try to predict from reading the newspapers, have become increasingly

inconsequential.

Just imagine how little your understanding of the world on the eve of

the events of 1914 would have helped you guess what was to happen next.

(Don't cheat by using the explanations drilled into your cranium by your

dull high school teacher.) How about the rise of Hitler and the subsequent

war? How about the precipitous demise of the Soviet bloc? How about the

rise of Islamic fundamentalism? How about the spread of the Internet?

How about the market crash of 1987 (and the more unexpected recovery)?

Fads, epidemics, fashion, ideas, the emergence of art genres and

schools. All follow these Black Swan dynamics. Literally, just about everything

of significance around you might qualify.

This combination of low predictability and large impact makes the

Black Swan a great puzzle; but that is not yet the core concern of this

book. Add to this phenomenon the fact that we tend to act as if it does not

exist! I don't mean just you, your cousin Joey, and me, but almost all "social

scientists" who, for over a century, have operated under the false belief

that their tools could measure uncertainty. For the applications of the

sciences of uncertainty to real-world problems has had ridiculous effects;

I have been privileged to see it in finance and economics. Go ask your

portfolio manager for his definition of "risk," and odds are that he will

supply you with a measure that excludes the possibility of the Black

Swan—hence one that has no better predictive value for assessing the total

risks than astrology (we will see how they dress up the intellectual fraud

with mathematics). This problem is endemic in social matters.

* The highly expected not happening is also a Black Swan. Note that, by symmetry,

the occurrence of a highly improbable event is the equivalent of the nonoccurrence

of a highly probable one.

P R O L O G U E xix

The central idea of this book concerns our blindness with respect to

randomness, particularly the large deviations: Why do we, scientists or

nonscientists, hotshots or regular Joes, tend to see the pennies instead of

the dollars? Why do we keep focusing on the minutiae, not the possible

significant large events, in spite of the obvious evidence of their huge influence?

And, if you follow my argument, why does reading the newspaper

actually decrease your knowledge of the world?

It is easy to see that life is the cumulative effect of a handful of significant

shocks. It is not so hard to identify the role of Black Swans, from

your armchair (or bar stool). Go through the following exercise. Look

into your own existence. Count the significant events, the technological

changes, and the inventions that have taken place in our environment

since you were born and compare them to what was expected before their

advent. How many of them came on a schedule? Look into your own personal

life, to your choice of profession, say, or meeting your mate, your

exile from your country of origin, the betrayals you faced, your sudden enrichment

or impoverishment. How often did these things occur according

to plan?

What You Do Not Know

Black Swan logic makes what you don't know far more relevant than

what you do know. Consider that many Black Swans can be caused and

exacerbated by their being unexpected.

Think of the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001: had the risk been

reasonably conceivable on September 10, it would not have happened. If

such a possibility were deemed worthy of attention, fighter planes would

have circled the sky above the twin towers, airplanes would have had

locked bulletproof doors, and the attack would not have taken place, period.

Something else might have taken place. What? I don't know.

Isn't it strange to see an event happening precisely because it was not

supposed to happen? What kind of defense do we have against that?

Whatever you come to know (that New York is an easy terrorist target,

for instance) may become inconsequential if your enemy knows that you

know it. It may be odd that, in such a strategic game, what you know can

be truly inconsequential.

This extends to all businesses. Think about the "secret recipe" to making

a killing in the restaurant business. If it were known and obvious, then

someone next door would have already come up with the idea and it

xx PROLOGUE

would have become generic. The next killing in the restaurant industry

needs to be an idea that is not easily conceived of by the current population

of restaurateurs. It has to be at some distance from expectations. The

more unexpected the success of such a venture, the smaller the number of

competitors, and the more successful the entrepreneur who implements

the idea. The same applies to the shoe and the book businesses—or any

kind of entrepreneurship. The same applies to scientific theories—nobody

has interest in listening to trivialities. The payoff of a human venture is, in

general, inversely proportional to what it is expected to be.

Consider the Pacific tsunami of December 2004. Had it been expected,

it would not have caused the damage it did—the areas affected would

have been less populated, an early warning system would have been put in

place. What you know cannot really hurt you.

Experts and "Empty Suits"

The inability to predict outliers implies the inability to predict the course

of history, given the share of these events in the dynamics of events.

But we act as though we are able to predict historical events, or, even

worse, as if we are able to change the course of history. We produce thirtyyear

projections of social security deficits and oil prices without realizing

that we cannot even predict these for next summer—our cumulative prediction

errors for political and economic events are so monstrous that

every time I look at the empirical record I have to pinch myself to verify

that I am not dreaming. What is surprising is not the magnitude of our

forecast errors, but our absence of awareness of it. This is all the more

worrisome when we engage in deadly conflicts: wars are fundamentally

unpredictable (and we do not know it). Owing to this misunderstanding

of the causal chains between policy and actions, we can easily trigger

Black Swans thanks to aggressive ignorance—like a child playing with a

chemistry kit.

Our inability to predict in environments subjected to the Black Swan,

coupled with a general lack of the awareness of this state of affairs, means

that certain professionals, while believing they are experts, are in fact

not. Based on their empirical record, they do not know more about their

subject matter than the general population, but they are much better at

narrating—or, worse, at smoking you with complicated mathematical

models. They are also more likely to wear a tie.

Black Swans being unpredictable, we need to adjust to their existence

P R O L O G U E xxi

(rather than naively try to predict them). There are so many things we can

do if we focus on antiknowledge, or what we do not know. Among many

other benefits, you can set yourself up to collect serendipitous Black Swans

(of the positive kind) by maximizing your exposure to them. Indeed, in some

domains—such as scientific discovery and venture capital investments—

there is a disproportionate payoff from the unknown, since you typically

have little to lose and plenty to gain from a rare event. We will see that,

contrary to social-science wisdom, almost no discovery, no technologies of

note, came from design and planning—they were just Black Swans. The

strategy for the discoverers and entrepreneurs is to rely less on top-down

planning and focus on maximum tinkering and recognizing opportunities

when they present themselves. So I disagree with the followers of Marx

and those of Adam Smith: the reason free markets work is because they

allow people to be lucky, thanks to aggressive trial and error, not by giving

rewards or "incentives" for skill. The strategy is, then, to tinker as

much as possible and try to collect as many Black Swan opportunities

as you can.

Learning to Learn

Another related human impediment comes from excessive focus on what

we do know: we tend to learn the precise, not the general.

What did people learn from the 9/11 episode? Did they learn that some

events, owing to their dynamics, stand largely outside the realm of the predictable?

No. Did they learn the built-in defect of conventional wisdom?

No. What did they figure out? They learned precise rules for avoiding Islamic

prototerrorists and tall buildings. Many keep reminding me that it

is important for us to be practical and take tangible steps rather than to

"theorize" about knowledge. The story of the Maginot Line shows how

we are conditioned to be specific. The French, after the Great War, built a

wall along the previous German invasion route to prevent reinvasion—

Hitler just (almost) effortlessly went around it. The French had been excellent

students of history; they just learned with too much precision. They

were too practical and exceedingly focused for their own safety.

We do not spontaneously learn that we don't learn that we don't learn.

The problem lies in the structure of our minds: we don't learn rules, just

facts, and only facts. Metarules (such as the rule that we have a tendency

to not learn rules) we don't seem to be good at getting. We scorn the abstract;

we scorn it with passion.

xxii PROLOGUE

Why? It is necessary here, as it is my agenda in the rest of this book,

both to stand conventional wisdom on its head and to show how inapplicable

it is to our modern, complex, and increasingly recursive environment.*

But there is a deeper question: What are our minds made for? It looks

as if we have the wrong user's manual. Our minds do not seem made to

think and introspect; if they were, things would be easier for us today, but

then we would not be here today and I would not have been here to talk

about it—my counterfactual, introspective, and hard-thinking ancestor

would have been eaten by a lion while his nonthinking but faster-reacting

cousin would have run for cover. Consider that thinking is time-consuming

and generally a great waste of energy, that our predecessors spent more

than a hundred million years as nonthinking mammals and that in the

blip in our history during which we have used our brain we have used it

on subjects too peripheral to matter. Evidence shows that we do much

less thinking than we believe we do—except, of course, when we think

about it.

A NEW KIND OF INGRATITUDE

It is quite saddening to think of those people who have been mistreated by

history. There were the poètes maudits, like Edgar Allan Poe or Arthur

Rimbaud, scorned by society and later worshipped and force-fed to schoolchildren.

(There are even schools named after high school dropouts.) Alas,

this recognition came a little too late for the poet to get a serotonin kick

out of it, or to prop up his romantic life on earth. But there are even more

mistreated heroes—the very sad category of those who we do not know

were heroes, who saved our lives, who helped us avoid disasters. They left

no traces and did not even know that they were making a contribution.

We remember the martyrs who died for a cause that we knew about, never

those no less effective in their contribution but whose cause we were never

* Recursive here means that the world in which we live has an increasing number of

feedback loops, causing events to be the cause of more events (say, people buy a

book because other people bought it), thus generating snowballs and arbitrary and

unpredictable planet-wide winner-take-all effects. We live in an environment where

information flows too rapidly, accelerating such epidemics. Likewise, events can

happen because they are not supposed to happen. (Our intuitions are made for an

environment with simpler causes and effects and slowly moving information.) This

type of randomness did not prevail during the Pleistocene, as socioeconomic life

was far simpler then.

P R O L O G U E xxiii

aware of—precisely because they were successful. Our ingratitude toward

the poètes maudits fades completely in front of this other type of thanklessness.

This is a far more vicious kind of ingratitude: the feeling of uselessness

on the part of the silent hero. I will illustrate with the following

thought experiment.

Assume that a legislator with courage, influence, intellect, vision, and

perseverance manages to enact a law that goes into universal effect and

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