down like rain as he bade them farewell and uttered the following
lines: "The shrill blast is blowing, Chilly the burn; Your
champion is going--Not to return." [1] ]
But let them once be brought to bay, and they will display the
courage of a Chu or a Kuei.
[Chu was the personal name of Chuan Chu, a native of the Wu
State and contemporary with Sun Tzu himself, who was employed by
Kung-tzu Kuang, better known as Ho Lu Wang, to assassinate his
sovereign Wang Liao with a dagger which he secreted in the belly
of a fish served up at a banquet. He succeeded in his attempt,
but was immediately hacked to pieced by the king's bodyguard.
This was in 515 B.C. The other hero referred to, Ts`ao Kuei (or
Ts`ao Mo), performed the exploit which has made his name famous
166 years earlier, in 681 B.C. Lu had been thrice defeated by
Ch`i, and was just about to conclude a treaty surrendering a
large slice of territory, when Ts`ao Kuei suddenly seized Huan
Kung, the Duke of Ch`i, as he stood on the altar steps and held a
dagger against his chest. None of the duke's retainers dared to
move a muscle, and Ts`ao Kuei proceeded to demand full
restitution, declaring the Lu was being unjustly treated because
she was a smaller and a weaker state. Huan Kung, in peril of his
life, was obliged to consent, whereupon Ts`ao Kuei flung away his
dagger and quietly resumed his place amid the terrified
assemblage without having so much as changed color. As was to be
expected, the Duke wanted afterwards to repudiate the bargain,
but his wise old counselor Kuan Chung pointed out to him the
impolicy of breaking his word, and the upshot was that this bold
stroke regained for Lu the whole of what she had lost in three
pitched battles.]
29. The skillful tactician may be likened to the SHUAI-JAN.
Now the SHUAI-JAN is a snake that is found in the Ch`ang
mountains.
["Shuai-jan" means "suddenly" or "rapidly," and the snake in
question was doubtless so called owing to the rapidity of its
movements. Through this passage, the term in the Chinese has now
come to be used in the sense of "military maneuvers."]
Strike at its head, and you will be attacked by its tail; strike
at its tail, and you will be attacked by its head; strike at its
middle, and you will be attacked by head and tail both.
30. Asked if an army can be made to imitate the SHUAI-JAN,
[That is, as Mei Yao-ch`en says, "Is it possible to make the
front and rear of an army each swiftly responsive to attack on
the other, just as though they were part of a single living
body?"]
I should answer, Yes. For the men of Wu and the men of Yueh are
enemies;
[Cf. VI. ss. 21.]
yet if they are crossing a river in the same boat and are caught
by a storm, they will come to each other's assistance just as the
left hand helps the right.
[The meaning is: If two enemies will help each other in a
time of common peril, how much more should two parts of the same
army, bound together as they are by every tie of interest and
fellow-feeling. Yet it is notorious that many a campaign has
been ruined through lack of cooperation, especially in the case
of allied armies.]
31. Hence it is not enough to put one's trust in the
tethering of horses, and the burying of chariot wheels in the
ground
[These quaint devices to prevent one's army from running
away recall the Athenian hero Sophanes, who carried the anchor
with him at the battle of Plataea, by means of which he fastened
himself firmly to one spot. [See Herodotus, IX. 74.] It is not
enough, says Sun Tzu, to render flight impossible by such
mechanical means. You will not succeed unless your men have
tenacity and unity of purpose, and, above all, a spirit of
sympathetic cooperation. This is the lesson which can be learned
from the SHUAI-JAN.]
32. The principle on which to manage an army is to set up
one standard of courage which all must reach.
[Literally, "level the courage [of all] as though [it were
that of] one." If the ideal army is to form a single organic
whole, then it follows that the resolution and spirit of its
component parts must be of the same quality, or at any rate must
not fall below a certain standard. Wellington's seemingly
ungrateful description of his army at Waterloo as "the worst he
had ever commanded" meant no more than that it was deficient in
this important particular--unity of spirit and courage. Had he
not foreseen the Belgian defections and carefully kept those
troops in the background, he would almost certainly have lost the
day.]
33. How to make the best of both strong and weak--that is a
question involving the proper use of ground.
[Mei Yao-ch`en's paraphrase is: "The way to eliminate the
differences of strong and weak and to make both serviceable is to
utilize accidental features of the ground." Less reliable
troops, if posted in strong positions, will hold out as long as
better troops on more exposed terrain. The advantage of position
neutralizes the inferiority in stamina and courage. Col.
Henderson says: "With all respect to the text books, and to the
ordinary tactical teaching, I am inclined to think that the study
of ground is often overlooked, and that by no means sufficient
importance is attached to the selection of positions... and to
the immense advantages that are to be derived, whether you are
defending or attacking, from the proper utilization of natural
features." [2] ]
34. Thus the skillful general conducts his army just as
though he were leading a single man, willy-nilly, by the hand.
[Tu Mu says: "The simile has reference to the ease with
which he does it."]
35. It is the business of a general to be quiet and thus
ensure secrecy; upright and just, and thus maintain order.
36. He must be able to mystify his officers and men by
false reports and appearances,
[Literally, "to deceive their eyes and ears."]
and thus keep them in total ignorance.
[Ts`ao Kung gives us one of his excellent apophthegms: "The
troops must not be allowed to share your schemes in the
beginning; they may only rejoice with you over their happy
outcome." "To mystify, mislead, and surprise the enemy," is one
of the first principles in war, as had been frequently pointed
out. But how about the other process--the mystification of one's
own men? Those who may think that Sun Tzu is over-emphatic on
this point would do well to read Col. Henderson's remarks on
Stonewall Jackson's Valley campaign: "The infinite pains," he
says, "with which Jackson sought to conceal, even from his most
trusted staff officers, his movements, his intentions, and his
thoughts, a commander less thorough would have pronounced
useless"--etc. etc. [3] In the year 88 A.D., as we read in ch.
47 of the HOU HAN SHU, "Pan Ch`ao took the field with 25,000 men
from Khotan and other Central Asian states with the object of
crushing Yarkand. The King of Kutcha replied by dispatching his
chief commander to succor the place with an army drawn from the
kingdoms of Wen-su, Ku-mo, and Wei-t`ou, totaling 50,000 men.
Pan Ch`ao summoned his officers and also the King of Khotan to a
council of war, and said: 'Our forces are now outnumbered and
unable to make head against the enemy. The best plan, then, is
for us to separate and disperse, each in a different direction.
The King of Khotan will march away by the easterly route, and I
will then return myself towards the west. Let us wait until the
evening drum has sounded and then start.' Pan Ch`ao now secretly
released the prisoners whom he had taken alive, and the King of
Kutcha was thus informed of his plans. Much elated by the news,
the latter set off at once at the head of 10,000 horsemen to bar
Pan Ch`ao's retreat in the west, while the King of Wen-su rode
eastward with 8000 horse in order to intercept the King of
Khotan. As soon as Pan Ch`ao knew that the two chieftains had
gone, he called his divisions together, got them well in hand,
and at cock-crow hurled them against the army of Yarkand, as it
lay encamped. The barbarians, panic-stricken, fled in confusion,
and were closely pursued by Pan Ch`ao. Over 5000 heads were
brought back as trophies, besides immense spoils in the shape of
horses and cattle and valuables of every description. Yarkand
then capitulating, Kutcha and the other kingdoms drew off their
respective forces. From that time forward, Pan Ch`ao's prestige
completely overawed the countries of the west." In this case, we
see that the Chinese general not only kept his own officers in
ignorance of his real plans, but actually took the bold step of
dividing his army in order to deceive the enemy.]
37. By altering his arrangements and changing his plans,
[Wang Hsi thinks that this means not using the same
stratagem twice.]
he keeps the enemy without definite knowledge.
[Chang Yu, in a quotation from another work, says: "The
axiom, that war is based on deception, does not apply only to
deception of the enemy. You must deceive even your own soldiers.
Make them follow you, but without letting them know why."]
By shifting his camp and taking circuitous routes, he prevents
the enemy from anticipating his purpose.
38. At the critical moment, the leader of an army acts like
one who has climbed up a height and then kicks away the ladder
behind him. He carries his men deep into hostile territory
before he shows his hand.
[Literally, "releases the spring" (see V. ss. 15), that is,
takes some decisive step which makes it impossible for the army
to return--like Hsiang Yu, who sunk his ships after crossing a
river. Ch`en Hao, followed by Chia Lin, understands the words
less well as "puts forth every artifice at his command."]
39. He burns his boats and breaks his cooking-pots; like a
shepherd driving a flock of sheep, he drives his men this way and
that, and nothing knows whither he is going.
[Tu Mu says: "The army is only cognizant of orders to
advance or retreat; it is ignorant of the ulterior ends of
attacking and conquering."]
40. To muster his host and bring it into danger:--this may
be termed the business of the general.
[Sun Tzu means that after mobilization there should be no
delay in aiming a blow at the enemy's heart. Note how he returns
again and again to this point. Among the warring states of
ancient China, desertion was no doubt a much more present fear
and serious evil than it is in the armies of today.]
41. The different measures suited to the nine varieties of
ground;
[Chang Yu says: "One must not be hide-bound in interpreting
the rules for the nine varieties of ground.]
the expediency of aggressive or defensive tactics; and the
fundamental laws of human nature: these are things that must
most certainly be studied.
42. When invading hostile territory, the general principle
is, that penetrating deeply brings cohesion; penetrating but a
short way means dispersion.
[Cf. supra, ss. 20.]
43. When you leave your own country behind, and take your
army across neighborhood territory, you find yourself on critical
ground.
[This "ground" is curiously mentioned in VIII. ss. 2, but it
does not figure among the Nine Situations or the Six Calamities
in chap. X. One's first impulse would be to translate it distant
ground," but this, if we can trust the commentators, is precisely
what is not meant here. Mei Yao-ch`en says it is "a position not
far enough advanced to be called 'facile,' and not near enough to
home to be 'dispersive,' but something between the two." Wang Hsi
says: "It is ground separated from home by an interjacent state,
whose territory we have had to cross in order to reach it.
Hence, it is incumbent on us to settle our business there
quickly." He adds that this position is of rare occurrence,
which is the reason why it is not included among the Nine
Situations.]
When there are means of communication on all four sides, the
ground is one of intersecting highways.
44. When you penetrate deeply into a country, it is serious
ground. When you penetrate but a little way, it is facile
ground.
45. When you have the enemy's strongholds on your rear, and
narrow passes in front, it is hemmed-in ground. When there is no
place of refuge at all, it is desperate ground.
46. Therefore, on dispersive ground, I would inspire my men
with unity of purpose.
[This end, according to Tu Mu, is best attained by remaining
on the defensive, and avoiding battle. Cf. supra, ss. 11.]
On facile ground, I would see that there is close connection
between all parts of my army.
[As Tu Mu says, the object is to guard against two possible
contingencies: "(1) the desertion of our own troops; (2) a
sudden attack on the part of the enemy." Cf. VII. ss. 17. Mei
Yao-ch`en says: "On the march, the regiments should be in close
touch; in an encampment, there should be continuity between the
fortifications."]
47. On contentious ground, I would hurry up my rear.
[This is Ts`ao Kung's interpretation. Chang Yu adopts it,
saying: "We must quickly bring up our rear, so that head and
tail may both reach the goal." That is, they must not be allowed
to straggle up a long way apart. Mei Yao-ch`en offers another
equally plausible explanation: "Supposing the enemy has not yet
reached the coveted position, and we are behind him, we should
advance with all speed in order to dispute its possession."
Ch`en Hao, on the other hand, assuming that the enemy has had
