who should be arrested before the news of the night's business reaches
them."
"I know of none such," Beorn said, "and believe that these four and the two
who have escaped were alone concerned in it. I will bring with me in the
morning a man and a boy who know more than I do of the matter; they and
Osgod, with whom Wulf will assuredly have talked it over, will be able to
tell you all that was known up to the moment when these men entered the
palace."
The armourer and Ulf told their story in the morning, and Beorn took
Osgod's place by Wulf's bedside, while he too was questioned by the king.
The latter then went to Wulf's chamber.
"What say the leeches this morning, Beorn?
"They are somewhat more hopeful, my lord. They say that his heart beats
more strongly than it did last night, Osgod says that he has not moved or
opened his eyes, but they say that this is not a bad sign, and that it may
be anxiety has brought on an exhaustion, for his breathing is more like
that of one who sleeps than of a man wounded to death."
"His face has grieviously changed since yesterday," the king said sadly,
looking down upon Wulf. "I would give my right hand rather than that he
should die. You have of a surety saved my life among you, Beorn, you and
his stout man-at-arms and the worthy armourer and that shrewd apprentice of
his for had they entered my chamber and taken me unawares they would have
slain me without doubt"
"I have done the best I could since I learnt from the armourer the
suspicion that Wulf entertained, but the whole thing is Wulf's doing. Had I
heard that Walter Fitz-Urse was back in London I should have given the
matter no further thought than that it was one Norman the more. It was, as
he told me, some words that Baron de Burg said when he saw him over in
Normandy the other day that first set him thinking. Then, he could not
understand why Fitz-Urse should return to London at this time, when Normans
are not overwelcome there, and this caused him to have some sort of
suspicion as to his reasons for undertaking such a journey, and determined
him to set a watch on the fellow's movements. Had it been any other than
Wulf who had so acted I should have laughed at his suspicions. But he is as
a brother to me, and knowing how sharp are his wits I am always well
content to follow him without question. I first heard of the matter after
the discovery that the Norman was having secret meetings with some of his
countrymen who were concealed on board a ship, and I at once felt sure that
Wulf had not been running on a false trail, and so did the little I could
to aid those who had the matter in hand."
"You have done well, Beorn, though as you say it is doubtless Wulf to whom
the chief credit is due. I regretted at first that the other two men had
escaped, but had they been taken they might, to save their own lives, have
implicated others, and I might have been forced to lay a complaint against
the Duke of Normandy. As it is now, the matter is at an end. Four men have
tried to murder me, and have been killed. Their bodies have been buried
this morning, and there is no more to be said about it.
"I was obliged to go down and show myself to the people an hour since, for
they assembled in a great crowd, clamouring to see me so that they might
know I was safe. I told them that while I thanked them for their loyal
care, there was nought to be alarmed about. It was true that there had been
an attempt on my life by four men, of whom the leader had a private grudge
against me for a disservice I did him some years ago, but that all had been
killed by my guards without even penetrating my chamber, and that I had run
no sort of personal risk, nor had I any reason whatever to suppose that the
malefactors had accomplices either within or without the palace."
Late in the evening, when the surgeons were applying pungent salts to his
nostrils, Wulf opened his eyes. Osgod was standing beside him holding one
of his hands.
"It is all well, master," he said. "We finished them all off, and no harm
has happened to the king. You have been hurt, but I hope you will soon be
better. The leeches say that you are not to talk, and you had best sleep as
much as you can. They have got some stuff for you to drink here; do you
lie still and I will pour it between your lips."
A look of intelligence came into Wulf's eyes as Osgod spoke; he smiled
faintly, and murmured, "Thank God, the king is safe!" He swallowed a few
spoonfuls of the potion Osgod held to his lips, and then closing his eyes
his regular breathing soon showed that he was again asleep. On the
following day the king proceeded on his way to London, Beorn remaining to
nurse Wulf. The king would have loaded Ulred with presents, but the sturdy
armourer refused to receive anything save a small gold cup in remembrance.
"I want no reward for doing my duty," he said. "I have my trade that keeps
me, and should be no happier were I laden with money. All that I have done
in the matter has been to watch for a few hours at a window, and to make a
journey by ship to York, and I should be ashamed of myself indeed if I
could not take that slight trouble for my king without looking for a
reward."
As to Ulf he was thanked and praised, but the king decided to take no steps
to alter his condition until Wulf should be well enough to be consulted in
the matter. It was a fortnight before the doctors were able to state with
any confidence that the young thane was on the road towards recovery, and
still another month before he had gained sufficient strength to be carried
in a litter to London.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE NORTHERN INVASION.
The news of Harold's marriage to Ealdgyth put an end to the demands of
William of Normandy that Harold should take one of his daughters to wife,
and in the complaints that he addressed to all Christendom against Harold
the breach of his promise in this respect was placed far more prominently
than his failure to carry out his oath to be the duke's man. It must have
been evident indeed to all that it was beyond the power of the English king
to keep this oath, obtained from him by force and treachery. He had been
elected by the voice of the English people, and had no more power than the
meanest of his subjects to hand the crown they had bestowed to another.
The breach of this oath, however, served to obtain all the aid that the
church could give to William. Harold was solemnly excommunicated, and the
struggle for which the duke was preparing thereupon assumed the character
of a sacred war. In England itself the Bull of excommunication had no
effect whatever. The great bulk of bishops and clergy were Englishmen, and
thought far more of their king than of any foreign prince or prelate. Even
the bishops and abbots of Norman blood disregarded the commination, and
remained staunch to Harold. He had been a generous patron to the church,
had maintained them in all the privileges and dignities that Edward had
bestowed upon them, and possessed the love of the whole English people;
therefore, in spite of bann and interdict the churches remained open,
services were held as usual, and people were married and buried as if the
Papal Bull had never been issued.
But it was not so on the Continent. The Norman barons as a body had at
first refused to support the duke in an invasion of England, but as
individuals they had been brought round to join in William's project, and
to give far more aid in ships and men than they were bound to do by their
feudal engagements. Having accomplished this, William issued an invitation
to all adventurous spirits in Europe to join him in his crusade against the
excommunicated King of England, promising that all should share alike in
the plunder of England and in the division of its land. The bait was a
tempting one. Some joined the enterprise merely for the sake of gaining
glory under the banner of one who was regarded as the greatest military
leader in Europe, others were influenced by love of gain, while, as in the
crusades, numbers joined to obtain absolution for past misdeeds by taking
part in an enterprise blessed by the Pope. Thus the force which William was
collecting greatly exceeded that which the resources of Normandy alone
could have set on foot.
Among the first to hurry to the court of William, as soon as Harold's
accession to the throne was known, was Tostig, in whose mind the refusal of
Harold to embark in a civil war for his sake, and to force him upon the
people of Northumbria in spite of their detestation of him, was an injury
not to be forgiven. The fact that Tostig was ready thus to sacrifice
England to his own private quarrel showed a baseness and recklessness that
could hardly be expected from his early career. William naturally accepted
the alliance, received Tostig's oath of allegiance, and aided him in
fitting out a number of ships manned by Norman and Flemish adventurers.
Evading the watch kept by the English fleet they crossed the sea, landed,
and plundered and ravaged a considerable extent of country, and then
retired, Tostig being enraged that William of Normandy was unwilling to
send an expedition to act in concert with him until the whole of his plans
were prepared and his great army ready for sea.
Normandy indeed had been converted into a vast camp. In every port great
numbers of workmen laboured night and day building ships, for Normandy had
ceased to be a naval power, and its shipping was utterly insufficient to
carry the great army across. Tostig, impatient and hasty, thought no more
of the oath of allegiance that he had sworn to William. Driven from
Yorkshire by the forces of the northern earls he sailed to Scotland, where
he was welcomed by King Malcolm, both as a sworn brother and as the enemy
of England. From Scotland he entered into negotiations with Harold Hardrada
of Norway. This warlike monarch was in a fit mood to listen to his
advances; he had for years been engaged in a struggle with Denmark, which
he had ineffectually attempted to conquer, and had at last been forced to
conclude a treaty of peace with Sweyn, its king.
Tostig had already endeavoured by personal persuasions to induce Sweyn to
revive his claim to the crown of England, and to undertake its conquest;
but he altogether declined to undertake so dangerous and difficult an
enterprise, and Tostig had then turned to Harold of Norway. Whether his
interview with him was before he went to Scotland or whether he went thence
to Norway is a point on which historians differ. Some deny that any
interview took place, but the balance of probability lies strongly in
favour of an early interview, at which Harold entered heartily into
Tostig's plans, and began at once to make preparations for the enterprise.
It was certain that an invading force from Norway would land in
Northumbria, and Harold, although he might not be able to rely greatly upon
the assistance of the northern earls as against the Normans, knew that they
would do their best to defeat an expedition landing on their own shores,
especially when Tostig was a sharer in the invasion. His own thoughts were
wholly bent upon repelling the mighty expedition gathering in Normandy, and
for this purpose, by immense efforts, he collected the greatest army and
fleet that had ever been got together in England. An incessant watch was
kept up along the coast where the Normans might be expected to land, while
the fleet cruised for months between the Thames and the Isle of Wight
prepared to give battle to the invaders.
But the conditions of service in England were such that it was impossible
to keep a great force on foot for an indefinite time. The housecarls were
the only regular portion of the army The great bulk of the force, both land
and sea, consisting of the levies or militia, whose term of service was
very limited. It says much for the influence of Harold that he was able
for four months to keep his army and navy together. Had the foe appeared,
soldiers and sailors would have done their duty, but the long term of
inaction, the weary waiting for a foe that never came, was too much, and
when September arrived and the harvest was ready to be gathered it was
impossible even for him to keep the men longer together. The army
disbanded, the levies went to their homes, and the ships of the fleet
sailed away to the ports to which they belonged. All the efforts and
anxieties of Harold, all his lavish expenditure in feeding and providing
for so great a number of men had been thrown away. England lay for a time
absolutely defenceless against the coming storm.
It was not until August that Wulf had completely recovered his strength,
and was able to join the army.
"This is not a time," Harold said to him on the day he arrived at the camp,
"for the granting of dignities or the bestowal of grants. But if we are
successful, and I remain King of England, the services you have rendered me
at the risk of your life, Wulf, shall be worthily rewarded."
"I need no reward," Wulf replied. "My estates are sufficient for all my
needs, and I desire neither land nor dignity, being more than content that
I have been enabled to render a service to you and to England."
Wulf was, however, at once appointed as commander of the whole of the
housecarls supplied by the thanes of the south coast of Sussex. None of
these bodies were equal in strength to his own carefully prepared
contingent, few of the thanes having kept up more than fifteen or twenty
men constantly under arms, and these only for the past few months, in
consequence of Harold's exhortations. Altogether the force amounted to
about four hundred men. Each party had its own sub-officer, and Wulf did
his best to weld them into one body. When the army broke up, he returned
with the king to Westminster. The day after he arrived there a man met him
as he issued from the palace, and handed him a letter. It contained but the
words:
"_I would fain see you. If you will follow the bearer he will bring you