第 61 页

赫罗林的党团员已经把那个庄园围住，并且同安托纽克匪帮接上了火。安托纽克和他的喽罗们躲在一间小厢房里，一看见有人露头，就开枪射击。他们突然冲出厢房，妄想突围，但是，赫罗林的党团员撂倒一个匪徒，把他们压了回去。安托纽克陷入这样的困境已经不是头一回，但是每次都靠手榴弹和黑夜帮忙，安全逃脱。这一次，差一点又让他逃走。赫罗林支部已经牺牲了两个人，幸好菲拉托夫及时赶到。安托纽克一看就明白：这回是陷入了绝境，再也跑不掉了。他整夜都从厢房的各个窗口向外射击，直到天亮才被抓住。“七人帮”中没有人投降。为了消灭这窝豺狼，有四个人献出了生命，其中三个是成立不久的赫罗林共青团支部的团员。

保尔的军训营奉命参加地方部队的秋季演习。他们冒着倾盆大雨到四十公里以外的一个师的营地去。一清早出发，深夜才到达，整整走了一天。这次行军，只有营长古谢夫和政委柯察金骑马。八百个即将应征入伍的青年一到营房，倒下就睡了。师部给这个营的调集令下达晚了，第二天早晨就要开始演习。他们这个营要接受检阅。全营在操场上整好了队。

不久，师部来了几个骑马的人。这个军训营已经领到服装和步枪，现在面貌一新了。营长古谢夫和政委柯察金两人为训练这支队伍花了不少心血和时间，因此信心十足。当正式检阅完毕，军训营做完变换队形的表演之后，一个面孔漂亮，但皮肉松弛的指挥员厉声问保尔：“你为什么骑马？我们普及军训部队的营级指挥员和政委不应该骑马。我命令您把马送回马棚去，徒步参加演习。”

保尔知道，自己那两条腿连一公里也走不了，不骑马就不能参加演习。这种情况对这位系着十来条各种皮带的大喊大叫的花花公子该怎么说呢？

“我不骑马就不能参加演习。”

“为什么？”

保尔明白，没有别的法子解释他拒绝步行的理由，只好低声说：“我的两条腿全肿了，连走带跑一个星期，我实在做不到。此外，同志，我还不知道您是什么人。”

“我是你们团的参谋长，这是一。第二，我再一次命令您下马。如果您是个残废，我可没叫您在部队里工作，这不能怪我。”

保尔好像挨了一鞭子，他猛地一抖缰绳。但是，古谢夫那只坚强有力的手阻止了他。保尔受到这样的侮辱，忍不住要发作，同时他又竭力克制自己，内心斗争了好几分钟。现在的保尔已经不是从前那个任性地从一个部队跳到另一个部队的普通战士了。他现在是营政治委员，全营战士就站在他身后。他自己的行动会给全营树立什么样的服从军纪的榜样呢！况且他担任部队的训练工作，又不是为这个花花公子干的。想到这里，他离镫下马，忍着剧烈的关节疼痛，朝队伍的右翼走去。

一连几天都是难得的好天气。演习快要结束了。这次演习的终点是舍佩托夫卡，第五天他们就在这一带进行演习。别列兹多夫营奉命从克里缅托维奇村方面攻占车站。

保尔十分熟悉这一带的地形，他把所有的途径都告诉了古谢夫。全营分成两路，深入迂回，秘密地绕到“敌人”后面，然后出其不意地高喊“乌拉”，冲进了车站。根据评判员的评定，这一仗打得非常漂亮。车站已经被别列兹多夫营占领，防守车站的那个营“损失”一半人员，后撤到林子里去了。

保尔负责指挥半个营。他和三连的连长、指导员正站在街心，布置兵力。一个战士跑到他们跟前，大口喘着气，向保尔报告：“政委同志，营长问，道口是不是都有机枪把守。评判委员会马上就到。”

保尔和连长向道口走去。

团部的人都已经到达那里了。他们祝贺古谢夫作战成功。

战败的那个营的代表们羞愧不安地站在那里，一点也不打算替自己辩护。

“这不是我的功劳，柯察金是本地人，是他给我们领的路。”

参谋长骑着马走到保尔跟前，讥讽地说：“同志，您的腿跑得挺不错嘛，看来，您完全是为了出风头才骑马的吧？”他本想再说两句，一看柯察金眼神不对，才把话咽了下去。

团部的人走后，保尔悄悄问古谢夫：“你知道不，他姓什么？”

古谢夫拍了一下他的肩膀，说：“算了，别理这个骗子。他姓丘扎宁，革命前好像是个准尉。”

保尔似乎在什么地方听到过这个名字，这一天他几次竭力回想，还是没有想起来。

演习结束了。军训营以优异的成绩获得好评，返回别列兹多夫，可是保尔的身体却累垮了。他在母亲身边住了两天。

马就拴在阿尔焦姆家里。他每天都睡十二个小时。第三天，他到机车库去找阿尔焦姆。这座熏黑了的厂房，使保尔倍感亲切。他使劲吸了一下煤烟的气味。这气味对他有强烈的吸引力，因为他从小闻惯了这种气味，他是在这种气味中长大的，和它结了缘。保尔好像丢了什么宝贵的东西似的。他已经好久没有听见火车头的叫声了。一个水手，每次久别归来，看到碧蓝的茫茫大海，止不住会心潮澎湃。保尔现在的心情也是这样。机车库的亲切气氛吸引着他，召唤着这个往日的火夫和电工。他十分激动，久久不能平静。他跟阿尔焦姆没有谈多少话。他发现哥哥的额上又添了一道皱纹。阿尔焦姆在一座移动式锻工炉前面干活。他已经有了第二个孩子，看样子生活很困难，虽然阿尔焦姆不说，但是情况是明摆着的。

兄弟俩一起干了两个来小时活，就分手了。保尔在道口上勒住马，望着车站，看了很久，然后朝黑马抽了一鞭，在林间的路上飞跑起来。

现在在森林里走路已经没有什么危险了。布尔什维克肃清了大大小小的匪帮，捣毁了他们的巢穴，这一带的乡村里也太平多了。

保尔回到别列兹多夫，已经是中午了。莉达高兴地在区委会门口的台阶上迎接他。

“你可回来了！你不在，我们都寂寞死了。”莉达把手搭在他肩膀上，同他一起走进屋里。

“拉兹瓦利欣呢？”保尔一边脱大衣，一边问她。

莉达有点不愿意回答：“不知道。哦，我想起来了！他早上说要到学校去替你上政治课。他说这是他份内的事，不是柯察金的事。”

这消息使保尔感到奇怪，也很不痛快。他一向不喜欢拉兹瓦利欣。“这家伙到学校里去搞什么名堂？”保尔不高兴地想。

“去就去吧。你说说，这儿有什么好消息。你到格鲁舍夫卡去过了吗？那儿同志们的情况怎么样？”

保尔坐在沙发上休息，活动着他那疲倦的双腿。莉达把最近的情况全告诉了他。

“前天批准了拉基京娜做预备党员。这样，我们波杜布齐支部就更强了。拉基京娜是个好姑娘，我很喜欢她。你瞧，教师们已经开始转变，他们有的人完全站到咱们这边来了。”

利西岑、保尔和新到的区党委书记雷奇科夫三个人，晚上常常在利西岑家围着大桌子坐到深夜。

卧室的门关着，小阿妞和利西岑的妻子早已睡着了，他们三个人还坐在桌子跟前，低头读一本不太厚的书。只有夜里利西岑才有时间读书。保尔下乡回来，晚上就到利西岑家里来学习，他看到他们两个人学到前面去了，心里挺难过。

有一天，从波杜布齐传来了噩耗：格里沙夜里被人暗杀了。保尔一听到这个消息，马上跑了出去。他忘记了腿疼，几分钟就跑到执委会的马厩，以疯狂的速度鞴好马，一跨上去，就用皮鞭左右抽打，朝边界飞驰而去。

在村苏维埃宽敞的屋子里，格里沙的尸体停放在饰着绿色枝叶的桌子上，身上覆盖着红旗。屋门口有一个边防军战士和一个共青团员站岗，在上级负责人到来之前，不许任何人进去。保尔进了屋，走到桌子跟前，掀开了红旗。

格里沙躺在那里，头歪向一旁，脸像蜡一样苍白，眼睛睁得很大，还保持着临死前的痛苦表情。后脑勺被锐利的凶器击破，现在用云杉枝遮掩着。

是谁杀害了这个青年呢？他是独生子，母亲是个寡妇，父亲从前给磨坊老板当长工，后来成了村贫民委员会委员，在革命中牺牲了。

老母亲一听说儿子死了，立刻昏倒在地。邻居们正在救护这位人事不省的老人，可是他的儿子却默默地躺在那里，保守着他的死亡之谜。

格里沙的死震动了全村。这个年轻的团支部书记、贫苦农民的保卫者，在村子里的朋友要比敌人多得多。

拉基京娜为格里沙遇害感到非常伤心。她躺在自己的房间里痛哭，保尔走进来的时候，她连头都没有抬。

“拉基京娜，你看是谁下的毒手？”保尔沉重地坐在椅子上，低声问她。

“不会是别人，准是磨坊老板那一伙人，因为是格里沙卡着那帮走私贩的脖子，叫他们出不来气。”

两个村子的人都参加了格里沙的葬礼。保尔带来了他的军训营，全体团员都来给自己的同志送葬。二百五十名边防军战士在加夫里洛夫指挥下，列队站在村苏维埃前面的广场上。在悲壮的哀乐声中，人们抬出了覆盖着红旗的棺材，把它安放在广场上新挖好的墓穴前，旁边是国内战争中牺牲的布尔什维克游击队员们的坟墓。

格里沙流的血使他生前努力保护的那些人更团结了。贫苦的青年们和贫苦的村民们表示坚决支持团支部。致悼词的人都满腔悲愤，强烈要求处死凶手，要求抓住他们，就在这个广场上，在烈士墓前当众审判，让大家都认清敌人的真面目。

接着，放了三响排枪。烈士墓上铺上了常青树枝。当天晚上，团支部选出了新的支部书记——拉基京娜。国家政治保安部的边境哨所通知保尔，说他们发现了凶手的线索。

一个星期以后，区苏维埃第二次代表大会在别列兹多夫的剧院里开幕了。利西岑向大会做报告，他表情严肃，神态庄重。

“同志们，我以十分高兴的心情向大会报告，一年来由于大家共同努力，我们的工作有了很大进展。我们大大巩固了本区的苏维埃政权，彻底肃清了土匪，狠狠打击了走私活动。

各村都建立了坚强可靠的贫农组织。共青团组织壮大了十倍，党的组织也发展了。最近，富农们在波杜布齐杀害了我们的格里沙同志，现在案件已经破获，凶手就是磨坊老板和他的女婿。他们已经被逮捕，不久省法院巡回法庭就要来审判他们。许多村的代表团都向大会主席团提出建议，要大会作出决议，坚决要求将杀人凶犯处以极刑……”

会场上立刻响起了震耳的喊声：“赞成！处死苏维埃政权的敌人！”

这时，莉达在旁门口出现了。她做了一个手势，叫保尔出去。

莉达在走廊上交给他一封公函，上面写着“急件”。保尔立刻拆开了。

别列兹多夫共青团区委会。抄送区党委会。省委常委会决定从你区调回柯察金同志，省委拟另派他担任重要的共青团工作。

保尔同他工作了一年的别列兹多夫区告别了。最后一次区党委会议上讨论了两个问题：第一，批准保尔•柯察金同志转为共产党正式党员；第二，解除他区团委书记的职务，并通过他的鉴定。

利西岑和莉达紧紧地握着保尔的手，亲切地拥抱他。当保尔骑着马从院子里出来，走上大道的时候，十几支手枪齐放排枪，向他致敬。

Part Two Chapter 5

The tramcar crawled laboriously up Fundukleyevskaya Street, its motors groaning with the effort. At the Opera House it stopped and a group of young people alighted. The car continued the climb.

"We'd better get a move on," Pankratov urged the others, "or we'll be late for sure."

Okunev caught up with him at the theatre entrance.

"We came here under similar circumstances three years ago, you remember, Genka? That was when Dubava came back to us with the 'Workers' Opposition'. A grand meeting!

And tonight

we've got to grapple with him again!"

They had presented their passes and been admitted into the hall before Pankratov replied:

"Yes, history is repeating itself on the very same spot."

They were hissed to silence. The evening session of the conference had already begun and they had to take the first seats they could find. A young woman was addressing the gathering from the rostrum. It was Talya.

"We're just in time. Now sit quiet and listen to what wifie has to say," Pankratov whispered,giving Okunev a dig in the ribs.

". . .It's true that we have spent much time and energy on this discussion, but I think that we have all learned a great deal from it. Today we are very glad to note that in our organisation Trotsky's followers have been defeated. They cannot complain that they were not given a hearing. On the contrary: they have had every opportunity to express their point of view. As a matter of fact they have abused the freedom we gave them and committed a number of gross violations of Party discipline."

Talya was nervous; you could tell by the way she kept tossing back a lock of hair that fell forward over her eyes as she spoke.

"Many comrades from the districts have spoken here, and they have all had something to say about the methods the Trotskyites have been using. There are quite a number of Trotskyites at this conference. The districts deliberately sent them here to give us another opportunity to hear them out at this city Party conference. It is not our fault if they are not making full use of this opportunity. Evidently their complete defeat in the districts and cells has taught them something.

They could hardly get up at this conference and repeat what they were saying only yesterday."

A harsh voice from the right-hand corner of the hall interrupted Talya at this point:

"We haven't had our say yet!"

Talya turned in the direction of the voice:

"All right, Dubava, come up here now and speak, we'll listen to you."

Dubava stared gloomily back at her and his lips twisted in anger.

"We'll talk when the time comes!" he shouted back. He thought of the crushing defeat he had sustained the day before in his own district. The memory still rankled.

A low murmur passed over the hall. Pankratov, unable to restrain himself, cried out:

"Going to try shaking up the Party again, eh?"

Dubava recognised the voice, but did not turn round. He merely dug his teeth into his lower lip and bent his head.

"Dubava himself offers a striking example of how the Trotskyites are violating Party discipline,"

Talya went on. "He has worked in the Komsomol for a long time, many of us know him, the arsenal workers in particular. He is a student of the Kharkov Communist University, yet we all know that he has been here with Shumsky for the past three weeks. What has brought them here in the middle of the university term? There isn't a single district in town where they haven't addressed meetings. True, during the past few days Shumsky has shown signs of coming to his senses. Who sent them here?

Besides them, there are a good number of other Trotskyites from various organisations. They all worked here before at one time or another and now they have come back to stir up trouble within the Party. Do their Party organisations know where they are? Of course not."

The conference was expecting the Trotskyites to come forward and admit their mistakes. Talya, hoping to persuade them to take this step, appealed to them earnestly. She addressed herself directly to them as if in comradely, informal debate:

"Three years ago in this very theatre Dubava came back to us with the former 'Workers' Opposition'. Remember? And do you remember what he said then: 'Never shall we let the Party banner fall from our hands.' But hardly three years have passed and Dubava has done just that.

Yes, I repeat, he has let the Party banner fall. 'We haven't had our say yet!' he just said. That shows that he and his fellow Trotskyites intend to go still further."

"Let Tufta tell us about the barometer," came a voice from the back rows. "He's their weather expert."

To which indignant voices responded:

"This is no time for silly jokes!"

"Are they going to stop fighting the Party or not? Let them answer that!"

"Let them tell us who wrote that anti-Party declaration!"

Indignation rose higher and higher and the chairman rang his bell long and insistently for silence.

Talya's voice was drowned out by the din, and it was some time before she was able to continue.

"The letters we receive from our comrades in the outlying localities show that they are with us in this and that is very encouraging. Permit me to read part of one letter we have received. It is from Olga Yureneva. Many of you here know her. She is in charge of the Organisational Department of an Area Committee of the Komsomol."

Talya drew a sheet of paper out of a pile before her, ran her eye over it and began:

"All practical work has been neglected. For the past four days all bureau members have been out in the districts where the Trotskyites have launched a more vicious campaign than ever. An incident occurred yesterday which aroused the indignation of the entire organisation. Failing to get a majority in a single cell in town, the opposition decided to rally their forces and put up a fight in the cell of the Regional Military Commissariat, which also includes the Communists working in the Regional Planning Commission and Educational Department. The cell has forty-two members, but all the Trotskyites banded together there. Never had we heard such anti-Party speeches as were made at that meeting. One of the Military Commissariat members got up and said outright: 'If the Party apparatus doesn't give in, we will smash it by force.' The oppositionists applauded that statement. Then Korchagin took the floor. 'How can you applaud that fascist and call yourselves Party members?' he said, but they raised such a commotion, shouting and banging their chairs, that he could not go on. The members who were disgusted by this outrageous behaviour demanded that Korchagin be given a hearing, but the uproar was repeated as soon as he tried to make himself heard. 'So this is what you call democracy!' he shouted above the din. 'I'm going to speak just the same!' At that point several of them fell on him and tried to drag him off the platform. There was wild confusion. Pavel fought back and went on speaking, but they dragged him off the stage, opened. a side door and threw him onto the stairway, his face was bleeding. After that, nearly all the members left the meeting. That incident was an eye-opener for many. ..."

Talya left the platform.

Segal, who had been in charge of the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Gubernia Party Committee for two months now, sat in the presidium next to Tokarev and listened attentively to the speeches of the delegates. So far the conference had been addressed exclusively by young people who were still in the Komsomol.

"How they have matured these past few years!" Segal was thinking.

"The opposition is already getting it hot," he remarked to Tokarev, "and the heavy artillery has not yet been brought into action. It's the youth who are routing the Trotskyites." Just then Tufta leapt onto the platform. He was met by a loud buzz of disapproval and a brief outburst of laughter. Tufta turned to the presidium to protest against his reception, but the hall had already quieted down.

"Someone here called me a weather expert. So that is how you mock at my political views,Comrades of the majority!" he burst out in one breath.

A roar of laughter greeted his words. Tufta appealed indignantly to the chairman:

"You can laugh, but I tell you once again, the youth is a barometer. Lenin has said so time and again."

In an instant silence reigned in the hall.

"What did Lenin say?" came voices from the audience.

Tufta livened up.

"When preparations were being made for the October uprising Lenin issued instructions to muster the resolute working-class youth, arm them and send them together with the sailors to the most important sectors. Do you want me to read you that passage? I have all the quotations down on cards." Tufta dug into his portfolio.

"Never mind, we know it!"

"But what did Lenin say about unity?"

"And about Party discipline?"

"When did Lenin ever set up the youth in opposition to the old guard?"

Tufta lost the thread of his thoughts and switched over to another theme:

"Lagutina here read a letter from Yureneva. We cannot be expected to answer for certain excesses that might occur in the course of debate."

Tsvetayev, sitting next to Shumsky, hissed in fury: "Fools barge in. . . ."

"Yes," Shumsky whispered back. "That idiot will ruin us completely."

Tufta's shrill, high-pitched voice continued to grate on the ears of his hearers:

"If you have organised a majority faction, we have the right to organise a minority faction."

A commotion arose in the hall.

Angry cries rained down on Tufta from all sides:

"What's that? Again Bolsheviks and Mensheviks!"

"The Russian Communist Party isn't a parliament!"

"They're working for all sorts of factionists, from Myasnikov to Martov!"

Tufta threw up his arms as if about to plunge into a river, and returned an excited rapid-fire:

"Yes, we must have freedom to form groups. Otherwise how can we who hold different views fight for our opinions against such an organised, well-disciplined majority?"