When，by the impotence and the faults of the government，and by the success which crowned the hardiness of its first antagonists，the old constitution of France was dissolved，all those who took an interest in favour of the revolution（and their number was infinitely great，precisely because no one knew exactly what he meant by a revolution） concurred，that an essential and wide spreading alteration must be effected in the whole political constitution of the state．But how far this alteration should extend，how far the old order of things should be preserved，and how the new one should be organized，with regard to all this，no two persons of the legions，who thought themselves called to public activity，were agreed．If we confine ourselves merely to the opinions of those，who in this interval of unbounded anarchy，publicly wrote，or spoke，we shall soon be convinced，that there were then in France，not three，or four，or ten，but thousands of political sects and parties．The impossibility of taking notice of so many individual variations，distinctions，sub-distinctions，and shades of every kind，compelled the contemporaries，and especially those immediately interested in the great spectacle，to class the infinite mass of opinions under certain known principal titles，and thus erase the names of pure royalists，of whole and half monarchists，of feuillants，of jacobins，of every degree，&c．Each of these parties，however，could have exhibited almost as many subordinate parties as it contained members.
In this number of political systems，some were built upon a limited monarchy，in the British sense of the word，others upon a thousand-fold new modification of a constitution，monarchical only in name；some wished from the beginning，to treat the revolution merely as a passage to the utter abolition of the monarchy．These pronounced sentence of death upon all the privileges of the higher orders；others wished to leave them the prerogatives of rank．One was for reforming the constitution of the churches；another for extirpating religion：one would have shewn mercy in this general overthrow，at least to the rights of property；another was for passing all positive right，under the sickle of equality．The constitution of 1791，was a desperate and impotent attempt to reconcile together，by a sort of general capitulation，all these contending theories，and the infinitely multiplied motives of interest，of ambition，and of vanity，connected with them；this attempt of course failed，for in the absolute and total indefiniteness，and I might add，the impossibility of ascertaining the last object of the revolution，every individual in France felt but too well，that he had as much right to maintain his private opinion，and to carry through his private purposes，as the members of a committee had to establish theirs；it was，besides，more than doubtful，whether，even the immediate authors of this impracticable constitution，seriously considered it as a last result.
Under the shelter of the inexpressible confusion，in which the storm of these first debates involved the whole country，arose，at first，more timid，but from the last months of the year 1791，growing constantly bolder，and more powerful，the only consistent party；that which had always been of opinion，that it was folly to prescribe to the French revolution，any bounds whatsoever．This party had，indeed，like all the rest，a multitude of subdivisions，and of systems peculiarly modified，and often at violent strife with each other；but all who declared themselves for it，concurred in the great and decisive point of view，that the revolution was to be considered，not as a local transaction，but as one of those，which give a new form to civil society，and which must draw all mankind within its vortex．For the ambition，or for the enthusiasm of this insatiable party，the theatre，which France offered to their thirst for destruction，was too small；they wished to tear up the world from its poles，and commence a new era for the whole human race．That this was their purpose，from the very breaking out，and even before the breaking out of the French revolution，we need not learn from proselyting tales and imaginary cabals of the illuminati；the writings in which they have unfolded their principles in plain terms，have proved it beyond all contradiction.
To draw nearer the execution of so gigantic a plan，they had first of all to destroy the last trace of a monarchical form of government in France．It would be hard to maintain，that，after all what had happened since 1789，they had not nearly about the same right to found a republic，as the monarchists，so called，had to introduce a royal democracy．The only thing which seemed against them，in point of right，was the oath which，in common with all the rest，they had taken，to support the constitution of 1791．But，after so many bands had been torn，none but weak heads could flatter themselves，that an empty form would arrest the torrent in its course．At the very time，while，with the cry of“The constitution or death!”they hushed a few credulous souls to repose，they were working with restless activity the mine，which in one instant was to blow up the whole fabric.
But，precisely at this great and important moment，the absolute indefinitude of object，that inextinguishable character of the French revolution，discovered itself in a new and terrible light．The republic had been proclaimed；but this republic was a word without definite meaning，which every one believed he might explain，according to his inclinations，and according to the fantastic whims，which he called his principles．There were just as many republican systems contending for the mastery，as there had been monarchical parties．France was drenched in blood，to decide the great question，whether Brissot，or Marat，the federalists，or the unitists，the Girondists，or the mountaineers，the Dantonians，or the Hebertists，should prescribe a republican constitution．Force alone could determine the issue of this horrible contest；and the victory must necessarily remain to the most resolute．After having torn，for nearly a year，the inmost bowels of their country，without being able to agree upon the form of their republic，a daring faction，at length，fell upon the strange expedient of settling and organizing the revolutionary state itself，as a provisional government，and，under the name of a revolutionary government，brought into play what was called the system of terror；a monstrous and unexampled monument of human error and human frenzy，which in the eyes of posterity will almost degrade the history of our times to a fable．A less cruel faction overthrew and murdered the inventors of this gigantic wickedness；not long afterwards，another devised a new code of anarchy，which was called the constitution of the third year．It is well known，by what an uninterrupted series of revolutions，and counter-revolutions，this constitution was likewise conducted to the unavoidable catastrophe of its destruction.
Just at the period，when the republican party obtained possession of the supreme power，the bloody contest broke out between them and the greatest part of the European states．They had denounced the destruction of all governments；they had declared，that between their revolution and those who rejected it，no further intercourse could exist；they had solemnly absolved all subjects from obedience to their governments．The revolution prepared against Europe，and Europe against the revolution，a war，with which only the most dreadful religious wars，that ever scourged the world，can be compared．On the side of the coalesced powers，the proper object of this war could not be doubtful；and if，unfortunately，it often was，at least it ought never to have been so．But，on the side of France，it was always as indefinite as the object of the revolution itself．Some，as for instance，Robespierre，wished for the present，only to maintain the right of turning their own country into a butchery，with impunity，and to reduce by one half the number of its inhabitants；others had projected extensive plans of conquest，and wished to realize for the French republic，all the dreams，which the ambition of Lewis the XIVth，had formerly inspired；others yet had sworn never to lay down their arms，until they should have led the principles of the revolution in triumph over the whole civilized world，or have planted，at least，the tree of liberty，from Lisbon to the frozen sea，and to the Dardanelles.
This war has now，with short and local intervals of insecure and treacherous peace，already desolated the earth eight years long；it has，undoubtedly，for some time past，lost much of its extent，and very much of its original character，and has now nearly declined to a common war；yet when and how it will end，is still a problem，which puts all human penetration to the blush．The fate of the French revolution is，in a great measure，connected with the fate of this war；but its last result depends，besides，upon an infinity of other combinations．There has，perhaps，never yet been a man，who could even imagine，with any clearness，what this result will be．When one of the great masses of the physical world is suddenly started from its quiet centre of gravitation，and hurled with a prodigious impetus into the empty space of air，the point at which it will stop is much harder to conceive，than the continuance of its motion．And，in truth，after the serious question，Who could have a right to begin such a revolution? has remained unanswered，nothing is more difficult than to answer that，which is equally serious：to whom belongs the right of ending it?
4．The American revolution had a mass of resistance，comparatively much smaller to combat，and，therefore，could form and consolidate itself in a manner comparatively much easier，and more simple：the French revolution challenged almost every human feeling，and every human passion，to the most vehement resistance，and could therefore only force its way by violence and crimes.
The American colonies had already，before their revolution，attained a high degree of stability；and the supremacy of the British government in America，was the relation，not so much of an immediate sovereign，as of a superior protector．Hence，the American revolution had more the appearance of a foreign，than of a civil war.
A common feeling of the uprightness of their cause，and a common interest in its issue must necessarily have animated a great and overpowering majority of the inhabitants of North America．The royal governors，the persons more immediately connected with them，and the inconsiderable number of royal troops constituted the only permanent and great opposition party．If a certain number of independent citizens，from principle，or from inclination took the side of the ministry，they were however much too weak to become dangerous to the rest；and their impotence itself protected them against the hatred and intolerance of their countrymen.
There were in the interior of the colonies no sort of zeal or personal prerogatives，and no other distinction of ranks，than what proceeded from the exercise of public functions．Property owing to the novelty of civil society in the country，was much more equally distributed than can be the case in old countries，and the relations between the wealthy and the labouring classes were more simple and therefore more beneficent．As the revolution altered little in the internal organization of the colonies，as it only dissolved an external connection，which the Americans must always have considered rather as a burden，than an advantage；there was nobody，except the few，who took a share in the administration at the head of the country，who was immediately and essentially interested in the preservation of the ancient form．What this form contained of good and useful remained untouched；the revolution only removed that in which it had been oppressive.
How infinitely different was in this point of view the situation of France! If the French revolution had been content merely to destroy with violent hands the old Constitution，without making any attack upon the rights and possessions of private persons，it would，however，have been contrary to the interest of a numerous，and in every respect important class of people，who by the sudden dissolution of the old form of Government，having lost their offices，their incomes，their estimation and their whole civil existence，would of themselves have formed a powerful opposition—But，when in its further progress，it no longer spared any private right whatsoever，when it declared all political prerogatives to be usurpations，deprived the nobility not only of their real privileges，but likewise of their rank and title，robbed the clergy of their possessions，of their influence，and even of their external dignity；by arbitrary laws took from the holders of estates half their revenues；by incessant breaches of the rights of property，converted property itself into an uncertain，equivocal，narrowly straitened enjoyment，by recognizing publicly principles of the most dangerous tendency，held the sword hovering over the head of every one，who had any thing to lose，and aggravated the essential wretchedness，which it every where spread by the ridicule and contempt it shed over every thing that bore the name of possessions，or priviledges— then truly it could not fail to accumulate against itself a mass of resistance，which was not to be subdued by ordinary means.
Should the friends of the French revolution declare this important circumstance to be merely accidental；should they impute solely to the good fortune of the American nation，that they found no domestic impediments in the way to their new constitution；and to the ill fortune of the French，that they had to struggle with so many obstinate antagonists；should they consider the former case only as enviable，and the latter only as deserving compassion，yet will the impartial observer，never forget how much merit there was involved in that good，and how much guilt in this ill fortune．The Americans were wise enough to circumscribe themselves within the bounds，which right，on one side，and the nature of things，on the other，had drawn round them．The French in their giddiness no longer acknowledged the prescriptions of the clearest right，nor the prescriptions of nature．They were so proud as to think they could bend impossibility itself，under the arm of their violence，and so daring that they thought the clearest right must yield to the maxims of their arbitrary will．The resistance of which they complained，was with perfect certainty to be foreseen；it lay in the unalterable laws of human feelings，and human passions；it was just，it was necessary；it was impossible to believe that it would not take place．Those，who had called it forth by the most cruel injuries，did not fail to be sure to declare it punishable，and did punish thousands，whose only crime consisted in refusing to rejoice at their own ruin．But this double injustice prepared a new resistance，which could be overcome only by new acts of violence．Thus at last，in the barbarous law book of the revolution，suffering itself was made an unpardonable offence；the fear of a just reaction drove the authors of these oppressions to measures of still deepening cruelty against the victims of their first crimes；and the presumption of the natural and inevitable hatred，which these crimes must every where rouse against them，was a sufficient ground to them to treat as an offender deserving death，every man，who did not immediately and actively associate with them.
