Olds, Kelly (2002): The risk premium differential in Japanese-era Taiwan and its effect, Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics, 158:441-63.
Olds, Kelly (2006): Female productivity and mortality in early-20th-century Taiwan, Economics and Biology, 4:206-21.
Olds, Kelly and Ruey-hua Liu (2000): Economic cooperation in 19th-century Taiwan: religion and informal enforcement, Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics, 156:404-30.
Pan, Ming-te (1996): Rural credit in Ming-Qing Jiangnan and the concept of peasant petty commodity production, Journal of Asian Studies, 55(1):94-117.
Perdue, Peter (1982): Water control in the Dongting Lake region during the Ming and Qing periods, Journal of Asian Studies, 41:747-65.
Perkins, Dwight (1967): Government as an obstacle to industrialization: the case of 19th century China, Journal of Economic History, 27(4):478-92.
Polachek, James (1983): The moral economy of the Kiangsi Soviet (1928-1934), Journal of Asian Studies, 42(4):805-29.
Pomeranz, Kenneth (1997): "Traditional" Chinese business forms revisited: family, firm, and financing in the history of the Yutang company of Jining, 1779-1956, Late Imperial China, 18(1):1-38.
Quddus, M., Jin-tian Liu and J.S. Butler (1988): Variability of inflation and the dispersion of relative prices: evidence from the Chinese hyperinflation of 1946-49, Economics Letters, 27:239-44.
Rawski, Evelyn (1991): Research themes in Ming-Qing socioeconomic history: the state of field, Journal of Asian Studies, 50(1):84-111.
Rawski, Thomas (1970): Chinese dominance of treaty port commerce and its implications, 1860-75, Explorations in Economic History, 7(4):451-73.
Rawski, Thomas (1993): Milton Friedman, silver, and China, Journal of Political Economy, 101(4):755-8.
Rosenbaum, Arthur (1976): Railway enterprise and economic development: the case of the Imperial Railways of North China, Modern China, 2(2):227-72.
Sands, Barbara (1989): Agricultural decision-making under uncertainty: the case of the Shanxi farmers, 1931-36, Explorations in Economic History, 26(3):339-59.
Sands, Barbara and Ramon Myers (1986): The spatial approach to Chinese history: a test, Journal of Asian Studies, 45(4):721-43. Comment by Daniel Little and Joseph Esherick (1989): Testing the testers: a reply to Barbara Sands and Ramon Myers's critique of G. William Skinner's regional systems approach to China, 48(1):90-99; also comment by William Lavely, 48(1):100-113. Replied by Sands and Myers (1990): Economics and macroregions, 49(2):344-6.
Schenk, Catherine (2000): Another Asian financial crisis: monetary links between Hong Kong and China, 1945-50, Modern Asian Studies, 34(3):739-64.
Schran, Peter (1978): China's demographic evolution, 1850-1953 reconsidered, China Quarterly, 75:639-46.
Schurmann, H. F. (1955-6): Traditional property concepts in China, Far Eastern Quarterly, 15:507-16.
Shepherd, John (1988): Rethinking tenancy: explaining spatial and temporal variation in late Imperial and Republican China, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 30(3):403-31.
Shiue, Carol (2000): Grain trade and storage in late Imperial China, Journal of Economic History, 60(2):511-5.
Shiue, Carol (2002): Transport costs and the geography of arbitrage in eighteenth-century China, American Economic Review, 92(5):1406-19.
Shiue, Carol (2004): Local granaries and central government disaster relief: moral hazard and intergovernmental finance in eighteenth and nineteenth-century China, Journal of Economic History, 64(1):100-24.
Shiue, Carol and Wolfgang Keller (2007): Markets in China and Europe on the eve of the Industrial Revolution, American Economic Review, 97(4):1189-216.
Skinner, William (1964-5): Marketing and social structure in rural China, Journal of Asian Studies, part I, 24(1):3-44; part II, 24(2):195-228; part III, 24(3):363-99.
Skinner, William (1985): Presidential address: The structure of Chinese history, Journal of Asian Studies, 44(2):271-92.
Skinner, William (1985): Rural marketing in China: repression and revival, China Quarterly, 103:393-413.
Skinner, William (1987): Sichuan's population in the 19th century: lessons from disaggregated data, Late Imperial China, 8(1):1-79.
Song, Yuanqiang (1991): The study of regional socio-economic history in China: retrospect and prospects, Late Imperial China, 12(1):115-31.
Sun, E-tu Zen (1968): Ch'ing government and the mineral industries before 1800, Journal of Asian Studies, 28(4):835-45.
Sun, E-tu Zen (1971): The transportation of Yunnan cooper to Peking in the Ch'ing period, Journal of Oriental Studies, 9:132-48.
Tallman, Ellis and Ping Wang (1994): Human capital and endogeneous growth: evidence from Taiwan, Journal of Monetary Economics, 34:101-24.
Tanaka, M. (1994-5): The putting-out system of production in the Ming and Qing periods: with a focus on clothing production, Memoires of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 52:21-43; 53:29-65.
Tang, Anthony (1979): China's agricultural legacy, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 28(1):1-22.
Thomas, W.A. (1998): An intra-Empire capital transfer: the Shanghai rubber company boom, 1909-1912, Modern Asian Studies, 32(3):739-60.
Tullock, Gordon (1957): Paper money: a cycle in Cathy, Economic History Review, 9(3):393-407.
Twitchett, Denis (1966): The T'ang market system, Asia Major, 12(2):202-48.
Usher, Dan (1989): The dynastic cycle and the stationary state, American Economic Review, 79(5):1031-44.
Vogel, Hans (1987): Chinese central monetary policy, 1644-1800, Late Imperial China, 8(2):1-52.
Vogel, Hans (1993): Cowry trade and its role in the economy of Yunan: from the ninth to the mid-seventeenth century, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 36(2):211-52, 309-53.
von Glahn, Richard (1996): Myth and reality of China's 17th century monetary crisis, Journal of Economic History, 56(2):429-54.
von Glahn, Richard (2007): Foreign silver coins in the market culture of nineteenth century China, International Journal of Asian Studies, 4(1):51-78.
Wan, Henry, Jr. (1995): A note on knowledge capital and the Needham paradox, Academia Economic Papers, 25(2):1-24.
Wang, Jerry L.S. (1993b): The profitability of Anglo-Chinese trade, 1861-1913, Business History, 35(3):39-65.
Wang, Yeh-chien (1971): The fiscal importance of the land tax during the Ch'ing period, Journal of Asian Studies, 30(4):829-42.
Wang, Yeh-chien (1972): The secular trend of prices during the Ch'ing period, 1644-1911, Journal of the Institute of Chinese of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 52:347-71.
Wang, Yeh-chien (1986): Food supply in 18th century Fujian, Late Imperial China, 7(2):80-117.
Wang, Yu-chuan (1936): The rise of land tax and the fall of dynasties in Chinese history, Pacific Affairs, 9:201-20.
Wang, Yuru (1994): Capital formation and operating profits of the Kailuan mining administration (1903-1937), Modern Asian Studies, 28(1):99-128.
Wen, Guanzhong (1993): Total factor productivity change in China's farming sector, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 42(1):1-41.
Wolf, Arthur (1984): Fertility in prerevolutionary rural China, Population and Development Review, 10(3):443-70. Comment by Ansley Coale, pp. 471-80.
Wong, Bin (1982): Food riots in the Qing Dynasty, Journal of Asian Studies, 41(4):767-88.
Wong, Bin (1990): The development of China's peasant economy: a new formulation of old problems, Peasant Studies, 18(1):5-26 (review article).
Wong, Bin (1992): Chinese economic history and development: a note on the Myers-Huang exchange, Journal of Asian Studies, 51(3):600-11.
Wong, Bin and Peter Perdue (1983): Famine's foes in Ch'ing China, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 43(1):291-331.
Wright, Tim (1981): 'A method of evading management': contract labor in Chinese coal mines before 1937, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 23:656-78.
Wright, Tim (1981): Growth of the modern Chinese coal industry: an analysis of supply and demand, 1896-1936, Modern China, 7(3):317-50.
Wright, Tim (1991): Coping with the world depression: the Nationalist government's relations with Chinese industry and commerce, 1932-1936, Modern Asian Studies, 25(4):649-74.
Wright, Tim (2000): Distant thunder: the regional economies of Southwest China and the impact of the Great Depression, Modern Asian Studies, 34(3):697-738.
Wright, Tim (2007): The Manchurian economy and the 1930 world Depression, Modern Asian Studies, 41(5):1073-112.
Zelin, Madeleine (1986): The rights of tenants in mid-Qing Sichuan: a study of land-related lawsuits in the Baxian archives, Journal of Asian Studies, 45(3):499-526.
1有7项数据可以找到介绍这两位得主的研究成果。(1)从网页〈Nobelprize.org〉内，查索经济学1993年得奖人。(2) Claudia Goldin (1995): “Cliometrics and the Nobel”, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 9(2):191-208。(3)刘瑞华（1994）〈新经济史革命：介绍R. Fogel 和D. North的学说〉，《新史学》，5(3):141-64。(4)吴惠林（1994）〈1993年诺贝尔经济学得主：傅戈和诺斯教授〉，《经济前瞻》，33:155-9。(5)刘瑞华（1994）〈经济史学家有资格获得诺贝尔奖吗？诺斯教授的学术贡献〉，《经济前瞻》，33:160-6。(6)叶淑贞（1994）〈开启台湾经济史研究的契机：从1993年诺贝尔经济学奖得主傅戈及诺斯谈起〉，《经济前瞻》，33:167-78（此文同时刊载于《经济论文丛刊》，1994年6月22(2)：127-67）。(7) Scandinavian Journal of Economics 1994年6月96卷2期页155-99，有6篇文章介绍这两位得奖者的著作与贡献。
2 Milton Friedman对经济学的分析，有一项著名的说法：「假设」本身是否真实（符合实况或只是虚拟）并不重要，重要的是能根据这些假设，推论出有意义的内容。我举个天文史上的例子。当「地心说」（地球是宇宙的中心）逐渐被「日心说」取代后，天文观测者必须解说星球之间的绕行轨道与周期。他们很早就从观测上得知，这些轨道不是圆形，而是较接近椭圆。因为世人对圆形的数学关系，已有很好的知识，用圆形来解说既方便又「接近」事实。所以从哥白尼之后，对太阳系的运转模型都用圆形。为什么不用椭圆？因为椭圆有2个焦点，制作上不方便，形状上又怪异。正圆简单，但不够准确。这类的解说方式，称为「启发式」（heuristic）模型。我觉得这篇文章就是属于「假设并不正确」，但能「歪打正着」的启发式模型：能得出有用的结论，是能抓到大老鼠的好猫。
3 有读者告诉我原因：天寿院是侧室，笃姬是正室，正室的地位高于侧室，所以笃姬的地位高于天寿院。 和宫也是正室，此时比辈份，所以笃姬的地位高于和宫。
4 他在《新大陆游记节录》的第9节，以10页篇幅记载与托拉斯相关的具体事实，主要有3项。(1) 1899年元月以后所设立的大型公司（资本额1千万美金以上者）共有81家，分别说明其设立年度与资本额；(2)分12点说明托拉斯之利，以10点说其弊；(3)与托拉斯相关的政府调查报告，以及民间的相关著述。此节所记多为所见的事实，较少个人的观感与评论。
5 (1) Oliver Williamson (1987): Antitrust policy, The New Palgrave: a Dictionary of Economics, London: Macmillan, 第1册页95-8。(2) 韩毅(1994)〈论19世纪末20世纪初美国的托拉斯立法运动〉，《中国社会科学院研究生院学报》，5:55-61。(3) 张附孙(1994)〈美国的反托拉斯运动〉，《云南教育学院学报》4:43-9。
6陈瑞庚（1974《井田问题重探》）第2章第1节（十）提出：「…如果当时没有以井划地的制度，滕文公怎会想到提出这个问题呢？」这句话已经很接近问题的焦点，可惜他没有进一步分辨「井地」与「井田」。
7关于何以当时「正经界」的问题会突显出来，请参阅第3节「从井字的根源看井田说」。这里要强调的是：「经界乱」不是局部性的症候，战国初年已到处发作。然而在不同的地区或国家，会因人口分布或其它经济环境的不同，而表现出不同症状。各处应付（不能说是解决）「经界乱」的办法，往往因地制宜，没有一致的丹方。滕国因为地方小，田地的肥瘠差异不大，分配上的争议较少，情形比较单纯。请参阅第4节「综述」部份的「问题 (5)」。
8 吴洛（1975）《中国度量衡史》，台湾商务印书馆，页64。
9如果《国语?鲁语下》的「田一井出稯禾…」的「一井」有所传承，则孟子这个名词就不是自创的，但这不是本文的重点。
10若要用图(b)的划分法，而且又要让每家的耕地面积维持百亩，则必须将一井的标准单位扩大为大长方形，让其中的一边长为1又1/9里。可是那多出来的1/9里，就不容易测量准确了。若要将扩大后的一井还维持正方形，则每边的长度必需为1.054里；这在「正经界」时，会产生难以预期的困扰。
11按〈杜注〉，「原防」是堤防间的零碎地，「町」是动词，意为分割成小顷町。
12根据钱穆《先秦诸子系年》（1956年香港大学出版社增订版，页345-52）的考证，孟子在滕的时间大概是323 BC - 320 BC，计3年，然后游梁游齐。孟子在滕的事迹不少，除了〈滕文公上〉所载之外，尚有〈梁惠王下〉，以周大王故事回答文公所问应付大国之道，颇显得捉襟见肘。〈尽心下〉载：「孟子之滕，馆于上宫。」然则孟子初到滕国，并无久居之意，因受文公知遇而延长逗留时间。然而滕的国力毕竟太弱，孟子亦无法在此施展其「王道」理想。或许这就是他日后在国力雄厚的齐国不受齐宣王重用，而深感惋惜的理由。参见方清河（1978）〈孟子的井地说〉页21-2对孟子在各国游历的过程与年代的解说。
13见崔述《崔东壁遗书》第5册〈三代经界通考〉（台北：世界书局，1963 ）。
14据《史记索引?越世家》引《古本竹书纪年》，越王朱勾曾经灭滕，时间在春秋与战国之间，细节无可考。唯越国在淮北的势力大起大落，孟子时滕国必已复封，可是经过这次兵灾，城郭封疆的残破也可想而知。
15由现在看得到的数据判断，中国古代的几何进展不如同时期的西方。中国求面积的方法，基本上是长与宽的相乘。对于不整齐图形面积的估算，惯常的做法是「截长补短」，这就涉及到人为的估计。如果分割为许多小方块之后再相加，计算者的判断更会影响结果。这些技术上的不准确性，会给经手官吏上下其手的机会，这应该不是孟子愿意看到的。
16陈良佐（1970）〈井、井渠、桔槔、辘轳及其对我国古代农业之贡献〉，对井在中国古代农业与生活的应用情况，有很好的解说。
17 这句话的主旨，和上面引述的《惜抱轩全集笔记卷七》，两者大略相同，但〈跋盐铁论〉的行文稍带保留。
18 昭帝之前的例子有：孝文四年张苍、后元二年申屠嘉、孝景二年陶青、中元三年刘舍、后元元年卫绾、武帝元狩二年李蔡、元鼎五年石庆。后人对此惯例亦有深刻的观察，例如郑樵在《通志?职官略》称：「凡为御史大夫而丞相次也，其心冀幸丞相物故，或乃阴私相毁害，欲代之。故史记谓郑弘为大夫，守之数年不得；匡衡居之未满岁而丞相死，即代之。」在这种政治背景下，丞相史多少也要对御史大夫礼让三分。
19《汉书?昭帝本纪》元凤二年有如淳的注曰：「《百官表》太常主诸陵，别治其县，爵秩如三辅郡矣。」因此，如果是「三辅太常」连言，则太常管辖县的功能，应与三辅类似。
20 此外，在〈25孝养〉的倒数第二段内，丞相史说：「上孝养色，…」，这段话应该是丞相史而非丞相所讲的话，原文漏一「史」字，张之象、张敦仁、王利器都同意这项校改。这一点其实相当明显，因为接下来是文学所说的：「今子不忠不信，巧言以乱政…」，正是针对丞相史所说的「上孝养色，…」而发。这样的转折，也才能接得上下一篇(〈26刺议〉)的首段，内容是丞相史气急败坏地替自己辩护：「…使文学言之而是，仆之言有何害？…」
21 〈28国疾〉：「…鄙人固陋，希涉大庭，狂言多不称。…」此处之「庭」字，可以和〈60杂论〉的「咸聚阙庭」对比。
22 《汉书?武帝本纪》征和三年：「…三月，遣贰师将军 (李) 广利将七万人出五原，…广利败，降匈奴。」战败的责任应该归在武帝，因为他凭一己的喜好选将，凭一时的冲动出兵，又在大军已出之后，因巫蛊案收李广利之妻子。数万兵士的性命，就这样被武帝送掉了，而他并没有自我检讨，据《汉书?西域传》：「…朕之不明，以军候弘上书言匈奴缚马前后足，置城下，…公交车方士、太史治星望气，及太卜龟蓍，皆以为吉。匈奴必破，时不可再得也。…卦诸将，贰师最吉。故朕亲发贰师。…乃者贰师败，军士死略离散，悲痛常在朕心。…」。在这篇轮台之诏中，武帝把责任推给卜卦，而看不出一点悔祸之心。在这种情形下，人民自然厌战。
23 荀悦是汉献帝时的秘书监侍中，应该可以看到很多原始文献。
24「异乎吾所闻」典出《论语?子张》：「子夏之门人问交于子张。…子张曰：『异乎吾所闻。…』」。在《论语》的原义是：子张闻自孔子的话与子夏门人所说的不同。桓宽用此典故来表示，朱生（朱子伯）告诉他的话（内幕消息）和外间所传不同。至于「异哉吾所闻」则非典故，用现代话讲就成了：「（朱子伯）告诉我的事好希奇哦！」。显然前一说为长。
25 《汉书?眭两夏侯京翼李传》：「…胜从父子建字长卿，自师事胜及欧阳高，左右采获，又从五经诸儒问与尚书相出入者，牵引以次章句，具文饰说。胜非之曰：『建所谓章句小儒，破碎大道。』建亦非胜为学疏略，难以应敌，建卒自颛门名经，为议郎博士…」。《汉书?艺文志》：「…后世经传既已乖离，博学者又不思多闻阙疑之义，而务碎义逃难，便辞巧说，破坏形体；说五字之文，至于二三万言…」。
26 《汉书?眭两夏侯京翼李传》载：「…眭弘，字孟，…从嬴公受《春秋》，以明经为议郎，至符节令。孝昭元凤三年正月，泰山…有大石自立、…又上林苑中，大柳树断枯卧地，亦自立生。…孟推《春秋》之意，…有从匹夫为天子者。…汉帝宜谁差天下，求索贤人，襢以帝位，…奏赐、孟妄设祅言惑众，大逆不道，皆伏诛。」
27 从桓宽的文字里，当然无法确切判断是否只有一位贤良发言，可能是八位贤良内有一位意见领袖，汇总其它贤良的见见之后，所作的统一发言。
28 Lillian Li, “Introduction: Food, Famine, and the Chinese State,” Journal of Asian Studies 41(4):687-707; Lillian Li, “Life and Death in a Chinese Famine: Infanticide as a Demographic Consequence of the 1935 Yellow River Flood,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 33(3):466-510; Lillian Li, “Integration and Disintegration in North China’s Grain Market, 1738-1911,” Journal of Economic History 60(3):665-99; Lillian Li and Alison Dray-Novey, “Guarding Beijing’s Food Security in the Qing Dynasty: State, Market, and Police,” Journal of Asian Studies 58(4):992-1032.
29 再举两项他们的新近研究成果：Wolfgang Keller and Carol Shiue, “Market Integration and Economic Development: A Long-run Comparison,” Review of Development Economics 11(1):107-23; Wolfgang Keller and Carol Shiue, “The Origin of Spatial Interaction,” Journal of Econometrics 140(1):304-32.
370
371
小说下载尽在http://bbs.txtnovel.com--书香门第整理
附：【本作品来自互联网,本人不做任何负责】内容版权归作者所有!
